


L m 



I 1 




Class 



Book_.V 



im 



A N.. 



COMPEND OF HISTORY, 

FROM THE 

EA El JEST TIMES; 

COMPREHENDING A GENERAL VIEW OF THE 

PMESEJYT STATE OF THE JVOMLB 9 

WITH ftESPECC TO 
CIVILIZATION, RELIGION, AN*> GOVERNMENT; 

AMD 

A BRIEF DISSERTATION 

ON THE 

IMPORTANCE OF HISTORICAL KNOWLEDGE 

THIRD EDITION, WITH THE AUTHOR'S LAST CORRECTION. 



BIT SAMUEL WHELPLEY, A. M, 

PRINCIPAL OF THE NEWARK ACADEMY. 



TWO VOLUMES IN ONE, 
VOL. I. 



NEW-YORK : 

PUBLISHED BY WHITING & WATSON, NO. 96, BROADWAY. 
GOULD & VAN PELT, PRINTiriS, 9 WALL-STREET. 

1814'. 



/' 



THE LIBRARY 
OF CONGgEftS 

WASHINGTON 



District 9f Ni n- ) ork, to imt . 

n the dxteonth day ol Jun«, in the thirty 

lenceof the United State, of America, 

district hath deposited in this omce 

I bey claim as proprietors, m the 

listory, from the earliest Times . -omprehend- 
; V . t , V iew of the present State of the U orld, with 

ion and Government and a brief 

iation on the Importance of Historical Knowledge^ 

Edition with the authors last corrections. By 

,;;;;;;,; * | V. M. Principal of the Newark Academy. 

in JSS KKl of the Congress of the United States, en- 
itled an act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the 
copies of maps, chart* b. to the authors and propnetor. , of 

M h conies, duriP hereto mention* and al.o to he 

act- an .el m. tary to an act, entitled an act lor the 

Jmragemcnl ol learning iring the copies of map .charts 

and the authors and proprietors of "^€0,^.^8 he 

times therein d, and extending the benefits thereof to the 

arts of designing. "***»• and ^^^^%^ m **** 

Clerk of the District of New-***- 

Tranir 
U 8- Soldiers Home Llbmry 
jon.as, r* 



TO THE REV. SAMUEL MILLER, J). D. 

ONE OP THE MINISTERS OF THE UNITED PRESBYTERIAN CHURCHES 

IN THE CITY OP NEW-YORK, &C. &C. 
REVEREND SIR, 

WITH little more claim on you than what the mass of society 
have on the benevolent notice of the learned, the wise, and the 
good, I have presumed to inscribe to you the following compend of 
history ; the chief merit of which, 1 am highly sensible, must con- 
sist much in the motive of the author. Destined by Providence to 
be entrusted with the education of youth, I have long regarded it as 
an important inquiry, what branches of knowledge and what modes 
of instruction are best calculated to benefit the young mind — what 
objects will be most likely to arrest the attention, enlarge the under- 
standing, strengthen the memory, and promote virtuous dispositions. 

Whilst, on the one hand, I have not the vanity to think that I 
have made any important discoveries in this inquiry ; so, neither 
am I discouraged, on the other, by the reflection that the wise and 
learned in every age have been more or less engaged in the same 
inquiry. If the lapse of ages has corrected the errors of Lycurgus, 
Solon, and Aristotle, it is presumed that the most approved systems 
of the present day, having endured a similar test, will also be found 
defective. 

The study of history is too much neglected in our present course 
of education ; and I am strongly impressed with the belief that 
ehildren may lay a broad foundation for historical knowledge, while 
learning to read, and may become very generally acquainted with 
history, merely in a common course of school reading. 

No species of instruction so easily or so deeply imprints itself on 
the memory of youth, as that which is clothed in simple narration 
and description ; especially if that narration convey interesting facts 
—and if that description engage and delight the imagination. It 
has often been observed, that an early taste for reading is likely to 
enkindle in tin mind a desire for general improvement; and, if I 
may be allowed t»> apneal to my own experience, the reading of 
history was i,o first thing which awakened in me a desire to study 
the sciences. 



iv DEDICATION*. 

Wn induced to publish 

tin- following compeod. I bi d myself embarraaeed, in 

»vide a field — with inch rapidity. A selection 

. i riicnt v.< < .1 thai would mark an unbroken line, 

neral and ion. How 

far 1 fa . in the a 1 1 * n ultr must judge. Had I 

b would hare been more 

i. l>ot, - i; i . I <r the purpote tor which 

ned : tnd lly, that it may be so fortunate as to 

nation of your approbation. 

W In o say many things, which the voice 

v would n it but ; I tare, that 

as dedication m rarded *~ i mark of high personal ret 

ilent patronage <>! men of ! ■ 

am! talent- far as a writer may hope to ' 

oduction by Lnseribing it to a name whfohmueJ long adorn the 
tem, le oi seiew r \ felicitate myself on iht.~ 

And am, Reverend Sir, 

with the highest esteem and consideration, 

your most obedient 

and very humble servant, 

SAMUEL WHELPLEY. 



PREFACE. 



THE design of the following work is to facilitate the acquisition 
of historical knowledge. As a general knowledge of the size, figure, 
and natural divisions of the globe is greatly conducive to the know- 
ledge of the geography of its several parts, so a general impression 
of the great line of history will facilitate the study of particular his- 
torical tracts. Although the following cursory survey is calculated 
with chief reference to such persons as are entering on a course of read- 
ing, yet it is hoped that it will not be wholly without its uses to two 
other classes of people, viz. such as will not be likely to have leisure 
for much reading, and such as have already read generally. To the 
former of these, it will be of use ; as, by reading a few pages they 
will obtain nearly a just view of the great line of history — the times of 
the principal events and revolutions, which have influenced large por- 
tions of the human species — the leading characters in those events, 
and, in general, what may be called the course of empire from the ear- 
liest ages. To fhe latter class, it may serve as a remembrancer : ami 
as it has been my endeavor to clothe the principal dates and eras 
with something of narration, even descending at times to particular 
details, it is presumed it will not be regarded in the light of a dry 
skeleton. 

Without regarding chronological disputes, the most approved wri- 
ters are followed : and if, up©n a critical investigation, the chrono- 
logy should be judged inaccurate, it would be found to be the result 
of not adhering strictly to any one entire system. 

A strong impression that the study of history has been too much 
neglected as a part of school education, has long induced the author 
to wish for the appearance of something which might deserve the 
title he has affixed to this work ; and of course be proper to be read 
in schools. And he trusts, in all cases where the critic has learning 
and benevolence, he will allow the end to be laudable, and of course. 
will i>e disposed to look with lenity on the various deficiencies of the 
means. 

Hitherto, no work' of this nature has appeared, suitable to be read 
in schools. Dr. Priestley's Lectures on History, though a work of 
rior merit, is only adapte.1 to the capacity of a senior scholar. 
Histories, in general, are too voluminous : chronological tables arts 
too <lry and uninteresting to profit or to please the young rea- 
abridgment-; are generally h>o local; and, among the historical com 



VI PREFACE. 

pend* I have seen there i< no one, which, as a school book, claimt 
much ascend i mere chronological tahie. 

Win (1 as a school hook, it is designed to he ac- 

easional remarks, explanations and lectures from the 
who, it is presumed, will amplify Certain parts of the 
ration. In a manner beet calculated to improve his pupils. 

\ - to avoid the appearance of a mere list of dates — to Km- 

ranters mote deeply on the mind— and to allure the 

with interesting incidents, has induced the writer to 

MiinL'Iy disproportionate attention upon some parts of 

the : The improvement of the scholar has been the grand 

object hoth in the structure of the style, and iu the selection and ar* 

at of the matter. For that purpose we have endeavored to 

:y of terms into the work as coin enient, and 

perh i m hue sometimes resorted to words, phrases, and hich 

• t not to consist with the pure and simple gravity and 

torical narration. 

nde that the remote allusions, and transient and 
solitary mention of characters and eveuts, out of their proper cou- 
nt xion, may be faulted. They are designed to remedy the extreme 
shortness 01 the work, by furnishing the teacher with a clu 
he may pursue to whatever extent he pleases, in his occasional lec- 

lt is hoped that the complexion of the work, in general, will he 
judged favorable to morality, and that it will have its share of influ- 
B in inculcating just notions of religion and government ou the 
minds of the rising generation. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



VOL. I 1 



CHAPTER I. Page. 

THE Credibility of the Mosaic History, - - - -9 

CHAPTER II. 
Causes which have operated to plunge Ancient History in dark- 
ness, - lo 

CHAPTER III. 

Sourcce whence the knowledge of Ancient History is drawn, - 25 

CHAPTER IV. 

Brief Historical View of the Assyrian Empire, from its founda- 
tion to the reign of Ninyas, 32 

CHAPTER V. 

of the Assyrian Empire, from the reign of 

Ninyas to the fall of Ninevah, - ♦ 38 

CHAPTER VI. 

of the Assyrian Empire, from the destruc- 
tion of Ninevah to the taking of Babylon by Cyrus, - - 42 

CHAPTER VII. 

of the Persian Empiie, from its foundation 

to the birth of Cyrus, 45 

CHAPTER VIII. 

of the Persian Empire, from the birth of 
Cyrus to the conquest of the Lesser Asia, - - - - 50 

CHAPTER IX. 

of the Persian Empire, from the reduction 

of the Lesser Asia, by Cyrus, till its subversion by Alexander, 56 

CHAPTER X. 

of Ancient Greece, from the earliest times 
to the legislation of Lycurgus, 66 

CHAPTER XI. 
of Ancient Greece, from the legislation of 
Lycurgus till the issue of the Persian invasion, - -74 



Vlll n\ TENTS. 

UPTER XII. Fiji 

Brief, Hi.-torirnl View of Aiici* -tit Greece) from tbe Persian In- 
rasioo till the death of Alexander the Great, - - - 87 

CHAPTER XIII. 

-of Alexander's Empire, from his death till 



its subjugation by the Romans 115 

CHAPTER M\ 

-of the Ron .in Empire, from the founding 



of Rome by Romulus to 1 .on oi Ttrquin the Proud; 

containing a period ol 2 126 

Cfl APTER I 
-of the Roman Empire, from the expulsion 



of Tare, in to Ifee i arthege, - 132 

CHAPTER W I 
•of tin- Roman Empire, from the fall of Car- 



tbag modus; containing a period of 312 

yea - - ... - 159 

CUAPTF.R XVII. 
General Observations on the Roman History, from the accession 
' of Augustus to the death of Marcos turelius, - - - 17(5 

CHAPTER XVifi. 
Brief Historical View of the Roman Empire, from the reign of 
Oommodui to the extinction of fin Western Empire, under 
Augustuhks; containing a period of 233 year?, - - 183 

CHAPTER Xl\. 

of the course of Empire, from the fall of 

Rome to the establishment of the Empire of Charlemagn 
containing a period of 321 ye>< IPi 



HISTORICAL COMFENB. 



CHAPTER J 



INTRODUCTORY. 

THE CREDIBILITY OF THE MOSAIC HISTORY. 

THAT the existence of the human race has no rational 
claim to a higher antiquity than is allowed in the Mosaic 
history, may be argued from two considerations : 1. The 
total want of evidence of a higher antiquity. 2. Various 
evidences that the scripture chronology is correct. 

1 . There is a total want of evidence of higher antiquity. 

Had the world existed from eternity, and man passed 
through an eternal series of generations, it is highly pro- 
bable that numerous evidences would exist, of periods 
more distant than six thousand years. 

It is a thing incredible, that no traces of a much higher 
antiquity should have been discovered by the Greeks, 
Egyptians or Chaldeans : yet they fixed the origin of the 
human race at no distant period; and as we shall state 
hereafter, are within the limits of scripture chronology. 

The pretended antiquity of the Chinese and Indians, 
is found, upon the most strict and impartial examination, 
to be void of credibility. Their records are incorrect, 
fabulous, and made up of parts incompatible with each 
other. 

The grand annals of China are contained in six hundred 
and sixty-eight volumes, of which a copy is in France : this 
is abridged in a hundred volumes ; from which the Abbe 
Grosier has extracted a work of twelve volumes, compris- 
ing a history of China. From these records, it appears that 
that empire must have originated a short time prior to the 
reign of Yao, which was 2057 vears before Christ : of 

B 



ID rilR CREDIBILITY OF 

course, near the lime that Ninus founded thr Assyrian 
rui|)ire. Thil statement i^ confirmed, not only by all 
Europeans, whoae knowledge of the Chinese Language 
nabled tliam to examine those records, hut by seve 
ral learned Chinese, who have studied the languas 
Rurope : and this statement also corroborates the opinion, 
that Noah himself, or one of his sons, founded that em- 
pire. It appears probable, from the general current of 
oriental tradition, that Noah left the general settlement. 
and emigrated eastward, where his posterity afterwards 
founded the (.'him J8€ monarchy, as we shall hereafter 
more particularly notice. 

^. to these considerations' we may add, that there are 
various evide the correctness of scripture chrono- 

logy. 

As there exists no evidence of a higher anticpiity, so 
neither is it possible to fix the creation of the world, and 
the origin of the human race, in a much later period. 
The history and chronology of the Bible are liable to no 
charge of inconsistency. The facts considered in detail, 
or in the ate, want none of the genuine characters 

of true and impartial history. When we come to consi- 
der the sources whence the knowledge of ancient history 
is drawn, Ave shall see, that they uniformly increase the 
authority, by corroborating the facts of the sacred history. 

That matter was coeval with, and independent of God, 
is more difficult to reconcile to the dictates of reason, or 
to the phenomena of nature, than the doctrine of creation 
and providence, as laid down in the books of Moses. If 
it be most easy and rational to believe what is most evi- 
dent, and if wisdom and goodness are displayed in the 
works of nature, and throughout all the visible creation. 
then to abstain from believing, will be to follow the 
weaker instead of the stronger reason : those therefore 
who reject the latter and embrace the former scheme, ars 
mure worthy of the charge of credulity than those on 
whom they bestow it. 

Neither Cicero nor Plato had any knowledge of anti- 
quity, ineonsiftteo! with Moses' account of the creation; 
imlei | our inquiries back into ancient ages, 

i ul< -ntly see all the raya <»f light converging to oup 
point — beyond which, little is conjectured — nothing ifc 
•vidi 



THE MOSAIC HISTORY. i\ 

The deluge, commonly called Noah's flood, may be 
considered as the most prominent feature of the first book 
of Moses. This article of the Bible history is made both 
the subject of cavil and ridicvle by unbelievers, as a thing 
incredible and absurd. This they commonly do upon 
the ground of its being a mere matter of revelation ! the 
evidences on which its credibility rests, are by no means 
so generally known as the importance of the thing seems 
to demand. 

We shall briefly state the evidences in proof of the 
truth of this article. 

1st. Were it regarded merely as a matter of revelation, 
as the objection imports, still it challenges belief. As 
such it must be considered as part of a system of truth, 
which in the sum, and in all its parts, is infallible. The 
history written by Moses contains nothing but what might 
be looked for in the dictates of a Being of infinite wis- 
dom. His laws can in no instance be taxed with injus- 
tice, nor his assertions with falsehood. 

The character which Moses ascribes to God, as far 
transcends any thing found in the heathen writers, as the 
God of the universe is more glorious than an idol. Among 
the things written by Moses, the character of God, the 
origin of the universe, the perfect standard of morality, 
the maxims of civil policy, and the excellent code of 
laws, were all far beyond the reach of human wisdom. 

This remark is so certainly true, that among all the 
productions of mortal men since his time, none have come 
within an infinite distance of him, but such as have copied 
from his originals, or drawn from the same fountain of 
inspiration. 

Why then should we disbelieve his history? It states 
things, which, if they cannot in every instance be proved, 
can in no instance be disproved: facts, which the whole 
current of universal testimony corroborates. Hence, if 
the certainty of the deluge rested wholly on the authority 
of revelation, it would need no better support. So far is 
that from being the case, that, in fact, no event is more 
strongly attested or sustained by the belief of all the an- 
cient nations, as we shall presently state. 

3. The geography of the earth affords several strong 
proofs of a universal deluge. The productions of the pea 
are found in the most inland parts, not only on the earth's 



it TH1 ID1LITT 01 

surface, bul even deep inns bowels; and not only in 

valleys and plains, hut in hills and mountains, 'i 
production.-* are found in snrli fpiauii nul to b< 

counted for by any slight or partial cause, and in such a 
ai denotes them to have been deposited there for 
many ag 

J lad there ever been such a deluge as Moses d< 
suefa appearances as arc now observed sonst have follow- 
ed. Marine productions must have been washed up on 
the land, and in many places mingled with it. In one 
eminent instance then, it nittsl be allowed that the phe- 
nomena of nature confirm the truth of Moses' history, and 
thai too in an article thought by some the most doubtful. 
We need inquire for hut one eause for one effect, and 
certainly the universal diffusion of marine productions, 
can only he accounted for, by supposing that the <» 
once covered the earth. 

The configuration of the surface of the earth; the posi- 

of hills, mountains, valleys and plains, seem to de- 

tcient war of elements; they are, generally 

sneaking, so situated and fashioned, as might be expi 

from the whirlpools, currents, anil eddies of the retiring 

flood, and can only be accounted for as effects of the deluge. 

3. The belief of all the ancient nations, and (he t< 
monies of many writers of antiquity, confirm Moses' ac- 
count of the deluge, and shew, that no article of ancient 
history is better supported. We shall here state a few 
author ui subject 

1. The first authority, among the heathen writers, is 
of Beroans the Chaldean. From his testimony we 
m.n lean the opinion of the Chaldeans respecting the 
flood. If we change the name of Noah for that of \i- 
SOthnis, it will appeal that iJcrosus has the whole his- 
tory of the deluge complete. Berosus says, " that very 
anciently the _ greatly offended at the wicked- 

ness of the human ra etold to Xisuthrus that they 

intended to deeisoy the world by a deluge. Xisuthrus 
• bout building a Bhip of very great di- 
ssensions. After many years, a prodigious vessel was 
nicted, and Xisuthrus with his family ei. »to it, 

with a multitude of cw atnres which were to b rved. 

" The Hood then cane: the face of the whole earth 
wag covered, and tint sense] which carried the ouly sui- 



THE MOSAIC HISTORY. 13 

viving family of the human race, was buoyed up, and 
floated on the boundless deluge. The waters at length 
abated, and the ship chanced to land on a mountain in 
Armenia, called Ararat." The same author says, that 
nigh to his own times, " large pieces of timber were still 
seen on those mountains, universally supposed to be 
pieces of the ship of Xisuthrus." 

Many other Chaldean writers mention the same things : 
so that the belief of the Chaldeans in the deluge, rests on 
the most unquestionable authorities. Moreover, the cer- 
tainty that they did believe in it, is a consideration of 
great weight, for Nimrod founded their empire but a 
short time after the deluge ; and they, of all the ancient 
nations, were the most likely to have correct information, 
as far as depended on tradition. 

2. The second authority we shall mention, is Ovid, a 
writer of the Augustan age : he relates the story, though 
with different names, much in the same way: He says, 
that " the gods, to punish the wickedness of man, de- 
stroyed the earth with a deluge. The destruction was 
so complete, that only Deucalion and Pyrrha escaped to 
the top of mount Parnassus." 

3. Varro, the most learned man the Roman state pro- 
duced, is full to our purpose. Varro says, that " in an- 
cient times there was an universal deluge, in which the 
human race were nearly all destroyed." He says that 
flood took place 1600 years before the first Olympiad. 
Now it is known that the first Olympiad took place 771 
years before Christ. This account admirably corres- 
ponds with the scripture chronology; for 1600 added to 
771? makes 2371, whereas the Mosaic chronology place* 
the flood 2348 years before Christ, a difference of only 
twenty-three years in a range of time so long. When 
we consider the erudition of Varro, and that his chro- 
nology was drawn from the Greeks and Egyptians, and 
came through a different channel from that of the scrip- 
ture, we may well be astonished at this coincidence, and 
can have no rational doubt of the correctness of the facts 
in question. 

4. Seueca, the celebrated Roman philosopher and his- 
torian, is very particular on the subject of the deluge. 
He not only says the same things as the above cited au- 
thors, but goes much further into the subject, assigning 



(4 KKDIBILIT1 

what woiT the jnoh.il)! * of the flood. lie more- 

over says, thai as the world has once been destroyed by 
water. so it shall again be destroyed by fire, and lik* 
philosopher proceed* to account for the possibility, and 
even probability, of sach an event. 

Kew men were more extenth ely read, or deeply 
learned in history, than Josephus, the Jewish historian. 
He affirms that we read of the deluge and the ark in the 
writings of all the barbarian historians: and that all the 

item nations were uniform in their belief of that article 
of the Mosaic history. 

D. yossius Bays that a tradition prevails among the 
Chinese, that Puoneous with his family escaped from the 

[versa] deluge, and was the restorer of the human race. 
The same is also stated by father Martinius, the Jesuit, 
who was a resident in China, and who says, that all the 
ancient writers of the Chinese history, speak largely of 
the Hood. Even among the Indians of North aud South 
America, many traditions of a general deluge are said to 
prevail. 

7. We shall close this enumeration of authors, with 
the great and respectable names of Strabo, Plato and 
Plutarch, each of whom express their belief in a general 
delude. Plutarch, particularly, says, that Deucalion, 
when the waters of the Hood were abating, sent forth a 
dove, which returned with an olive leaf in her mouth. It 
may indeed be said that he copied this from the history 
of Moses; in reply to which, we only need answer, if so, 
then he doubtless gave credit to that history. 

Many more testimonies mi<rbt be adduced on this sub- 
ject, but from those already stated, those who are dis- 

ied to tax the history of Moses in this article with 

sehood or absurdity, may sec something of the nature 
of the controversy in which they are engaged. 

it i> thought by many, that the heathen mythology de- 
ciphered, is but the history of Noah and his sons, and 
the original dispersion of their families. Saturn, whom 
mythology declares to be the father of gods and men, 
h : and Jupiter, the son of Saturn, was 
Sain, the son of Noah. Plato affirmed that Saturn was 
ion of Oceanus and Thetis. 

A bold and lively fancy would not scruple to say that 
Noah ' . or of the Hood. Thetis was 



THE MOSAIC HISTORY. 45 

the Ocean, and Oceanus the god supposed to preside over 
it. As Noah passed over the deluge from the old world 
to the new, nothing could be more natural in those sim- 
ple and pastoral ages which followed, than for orators, 
poets and fabulists first, and at length for all others, to 
celebrate him as sprung from the sea ; yea, to promote 
him at length into a god, and to adore him as the father 
of gods and men. 

When Babylon was taken by Alexander the Great^ 
his philosopher, Calisthenes, found in the tower of Ba- 
bel, astronomical observations for 1903 years preceding ; 
i. e. from its supposed building. The Chaldeans were 
astronomers at a very early date, and their view in rear- 
ing that very high tower, among other things, might have 
been to provide a convenient observatory. Alexander 
took Babylon about 333 years before Christ; which would 
make the building of Babel 2236 years before Christ. 
The Mosaic history places the flood 2348 years before 
the christian era : consequently Babel must have been 
begun with a little more than a century from the flood. 

Three famous ancient authors, viz. Plato, Herodotus, 
and Diodorus Siculus, each of whom visked Egypt, fix 
the date of the heroic age, and what they call the wars 
of the great gods, at different eras, but not far from the 
same time. Plato fixes the date of these wars in the time 
of Cecrops. The " Antiquities of Greece" state, that 
Cecrops founded the commonwealth of Athens 1430 
years before Christ, or 253 years before the Trojan war. 
Herodotus and Diodorus fix those wars a little earlier. 
Between the days of Cecrops and the flood were 89S 
years. In this time the Mosaic history comes down to 
the conquest of Canaan : and in this time took place all 
those transactions between gods and giants, so famous in 
mythology. From this statement we deduce two consi- 
derations of importance : 

i . Neither the traditions nor histories of the Greeks 
and Egyptians claim a higher antiquity than the Mosaic 
history — and 

2. As far as their traditions can be traced from facts, 
or their allegories resolved, they go rather to corroborate, 
than weaken the authority of that history. In this pe- 
riod, Meues, or Misraim, laid the foundation of the an- 
cient kingdom of Egypt, which, it h said, the Copts and 



If) J UK CREDIBILITY Ml 

Arabs still rail the land of Mesr, or Misraim. In the 
same period, Nimrod founded the kingdom of Babylon — 
Elam, tht son of Shem, founded the Persian, and Ashur 
the Assyrian empires. Joktan, the. greal grandson of 
Arphaxad. settled in Africa; and the sons of Japhet % 
tied in Italy, Germany, Scvthia, and tin 
who have leisure and inclination to mad, nay see this sub- 
ject treated at large in Bedford's Chronolo 

Under this head it shall suffice to say> account 

of the origin of Che tin f creatures, ha- 

presented to the human ondei-standing, so rational, so 
sublime, and so consonant t.» the spontaneous voire of 
nature, as that given by M ti- 
lt only remains for ns to inquire, whether the hooks 
lied the books of Moses, are genuine; whether t! 
were, in fact, the productions of Moses: and whether 
Moses could have been aided in writing these books, by 
any other means of knowledge than divine inspiration. 
That the hooks of Moses, commonly called the Penta- 
teuch, are genuine, i. e. written by him, or under his im- 
mediate direction, there is satisfactory evidence. The 
first source of' evidence we shall notice, is the regular 
annals of a nation. That the Israelites were an enlight- 
ened nation, is evident from the elegance and sublimity 
of their writings, and the wonderful and excellent fabric 
of their laws. The fundamental maxims of law and 
justice, among the most enlightened nations now ex- 
isting, are borrowed from the law of Moses. And who- 
ever will examine the civil government of the Hebrews, 
will perceive, that their maxims of policy vi ere drawn 
with consummate wisdom.* That Moses wasa general, 
a law-giver, and a writer among the Hebrews, is as evi- 
dent as that Solon, Lycurgus, or Julius Caesar sustained 
>ome of tin' same offices in their respective countries. 
Whoever can believe that Homer wrote an epic poem, 
Demosthenes orations, Csasar commentaries, or Horace 
odes, must also, if he is candid, believe that the books of 
Most cnuine. 

u- now inquire, whether Moses had any means of 
sotting to the knowledge of things which took place be- 
fore his day, besides those of immediate inspiration. He 

m the civil government of t ; 



i'UE MOSAIC HISTORY. 17 

certainly had, for be was skilled in 3 11 the learning of 
the Egyptians — in his time the most learned of all na- 
tions. 

Moses was the son of Amram, the son of Kohath, the 
son of Levi. Shem, the son of Noah, lived near to the 
birth of Jacob ; and Methusaleh had lived many years 
cotemporary with Adam, aud also many years with 
Sheni. It will hence follow, that Adam conversed with 
Methusaleh — he with Shem — Shem with Isaac : and 
Moses might have seen persons who had conversed with 
Isaac. 

Moses, therefore, mast have possessed peculiar ad van- 
tages, to know whatever could be known, orally, of an- 
cient history. And who does not know the accuracy 
with which many nations preserve historic facts, and 
the facility with which they transmit them to posterity, 
without alphabetic writing ? Admitting, therefore, the 
origin of the human race to have been as Moses relates, 
it is highly probable that Moses, and others as well as 
he, must have had very complete information respecting: 
Adam and Eve — their transgression — the murder of Abel 
— the punishment of Cain — the translation of Enoch — 
the progress of art, and of vice, before the flood — the 
building of the ark — the flood, and the repeopling the 
earth by Noah and his sons : especially when we add to 
other considerations, the great age to which they lived 
before the flood. 

The longevity of the antediluvians is asserted by ma 
ny of the heathen writers of antiquity. It was their opiu 
ion that the human race, while uncorrupted by vice, lived 
long ; but when they provoked the gods by their wicked- 
ness, diseases were sent, and their lives cut short. * 

Adam, indeed, could have learned nothing of whai 
took place before his creation, but by special revelation 
But what is there unreasonable in the idea, that the Al- 
mighty, when he had created man, should reveal himself 
to him, and give him some intimations concerning the 

* Thus Horace, speaking of the fable of Prometheus, say*. 
" Post ignem fftherea domo 
Subductum, macies, et oova febrium 
Terns incubuit cobors 
Semotique priiis, tarda necessity 
Letbi corripuit gradum." 

c 



18 

do in and 

. to imm 

out tli of the B 

h divine benevolent 
, in bis original or 
there is nothing unreasonable in the idea of G 

im in a direct and unei. 

Had man never fallen, who can doubt that God would 
•i him various, continual and mostglorh 

By thc<e be would have been ennobled and 
moral faculties, till lie attained the high 
f angelic natures. Even in bis depraved and 
fallen state, hot inconsistent with the Father of 

mercies to begin, to carry on, and to complete his bene 
volenl di wards, him, by an immediate revelation 

of himself. 

m&y then demand, why are some philosophers 
oppo? he doctrine of a special revelation of God to 

rind? Is not the language of their hearts, ((> 
. O Lord, we desire not the knowledge of thy 

unnotbe denied, that man is a table 

moral agent, capable of virtue and 
! that, as such, he is a proper subject of govern- 
lither can it be denied, that his highest felicitv 
forever depend on his progress in knowledge and 
virtue. That he should, therefore, come to the know- 
of infinite power, wisdom and good; 
ble to his happiness. Hen 
to be a '• iilv desirable in 

1 well-being, that God should reveal him- 
self t< far more direct and . than he 

When ( and perfections are once discov- 

then cai - of them in his 

1 never revealed himself to man in 

: v doubtful, whether the 

mind of I t would have reached the first cause, 

often he pure 



THE MOSAIC HISTORY. 19 

deism is the most rational and self-consistent of all reli- 
gions : but it should he remembered, that the idea even of 
that one God, which pure deism- boasts of, is obtained 
from divine revelation. 

Could we see what system of theology the mind of 
man would frame, without any aid from immediate rev 
elation, we should see a scheme far different from the 
boasted true or pure deism. Such a scheme may indeed 
be seen in the religion of some of jthe inhabitants of 
Africa and the islands,' who, it is said, have not the least 
idea of a Supreme Being, care nothing about futurity, and 
live without law or governments Pure deism, therefore, 
would prove to be a scheme of religion without the idea 
of a God : a scheme which probably the pure deist must 
either adopt, or look for the character of the God whom 
he adores, in special revelation. It will hence follow, 
that pure deism, divested of any aid from revelation, will 
prove to be atheism. Indeed we may safely assert, that 
had God made a supernatural revelation of himself to 
man, the Whole human race would have been atheists 
aird savages* The common objection to the doctrine of 
creation, as taught by Moses, is,\that it is impossible to 
conceive how God could create all things out of nothing 

We have no difficulty in conceiving that God is a be- 
ing of almighty power, yet we have no conception of the 
manner in which he exerts his power, even in any case. 

Upon a careful examination of this matter, it will ap- 
pear that the objection before us operates equally against 
all events as effects of divine power. It simply amounts 
to this ; we cannot conceive how divine power operates : 
shall we therefore deny that it operates at all ? 

The mighty chain of effects and causes, although it 
begins with the great first cause, even God, consists of in- 
numerable links. Many effects in their turn become 
causes, and produce other effects, whence, generally 
speaking, all effects are in their turn causes, and all caus- 
es, excepting one, are effects. In this infinitely wide field 
of causes, there seems to obtain one important distinction. 
All these multifarious, and perpetually operating causes, 
are either intelligent and designing, or ineogitative and 
physical. These two classes of causes are widely differ- 

Jerftanding — ro\, i. lib, i. p- ©4. 65. 



1I1L CREDIBILITY 01 

ent in their nature, and equally so in their etie> 
far as our observations cau extend, proportion, arrange- 
ment, beauty, and excellency , whenever they are eft 
are invariably and immediately from intelligent and de- 
signing causcg. I'nintelligent, incogitative canst 
produce order, proportion, beauty ur excellency. Homer 
could write an excellent poem, but a rock if conveyed to 
the top of a mountain and set rolling down, will dash and 
prostrate all before it: there will be nothing like order 
or elegance in its path. Sir Christopher Wren, or Inigo 
Jones, could build a glorious palace, but a whirlwind, a 
torrent or an earthquake, though never known to erect the 
smallest building, have been known to throw down and 
demolish many. Where agent* of that nature have been 
operating for ages, so far from ever effecting any thing 
beautiful or useful, the disorders Of such a place will 
only increase. 

We are therefore taught by reason and experience, that 

the order, beauty and magnificence of the visible universe, 

ire the ejfects of an intelligent, designing cause. The 

conclusion is irresistible, that there must bea being who 

produce such effects* We see enough of his power 

and wisdom displayed, to afford conviction, that he 

create. There seems nothing absurd or extravagant in 

the idea, that a being of almighty power, can create out 

of nothing. It is not derogating from the respect due to 

(iod, to say that he cannot work contradictions : that he 

cannot cause two and two to be five ; that he cannot 

a thing to be, and not to be, at the same time : but 

that he can cause a thing to be at one time, and not be at 

another, involves no absurdity. Let it be supposed, that 

was a time when no creature existed. Will the 

>r say that the eternal Bod could not give existence 

to creatures ? Will he say that God could not create both 

r aud mind? An artist, indeed, cannot make a watch 

without materials, aud tools to work with : he must have 

- the silver, the bras-, the chr\ Mnsi 

fore, the infinite deity have pre-existing materials, 

in order to make a world? if SO, he is but an arli 

superior skill, but of limited powet 

Those, therefore, who object to the idea of absolute 

;>l>Mird, should tell wherein that absurdity 

If they deny a distinction between matter and 



THE MOSAIC HISTORY. 21 

mind, and hold matter to be eternal and uncreated, it will 
come to this, that there is nothing but matter and nothing 
but deity, ail things are God, or that there is no mind, no 
creation, no God. If there be any such thing as mind 
in creatures, it is a conscious thinking principle or being. 
But all rational creatures, with which we are acquainted, 
know perfectly well, that their consciousness has not been 
eternal, but had a very recent beginning. But if minds 
have a beginning, we are compelled to £rant that they 
are created. Is it more difficult to create matter than 
mind ? It is presumed that no modest sensible man will 
affirm, that matter and mind cannot be created, without 
he is previously able to tell us what matter and mind 
are. W hen the philosopher can go so far as to prove 
from the nature of a being, that God almighty could not 
have created it, we will subscribe to his scheme ; but if 
his weightiest argument be founded in his acknowledged 
ignorance, he is liable to the charge of inconsistency. 
For, as on the one hand, there is nothing in the known 
nature of things which militates against the idea of their 
being created, so on the other, the being and perfections 
of God are proofs that he can create, and all the pheno- 
mena of nature corroborate the same. And it will be 
fouud that all those strong doubts respecting the possibil 
ity of creation, are grounded at bottom on doubts of 
the being and perfection of God. But 2d. Should the 
objection before us, be allowed to have all its full 
weight, i. e. that we cannot at all, conceive how God can 
create out of nothing ; will it thence be safe to conclude, 
that he did not in fact create ? Can we conceive how 
divine power, or indeed any other power, is apolied to 
cause the revolution of the planets ? Yet by some power 
or other their revolution is effected. Can we conceive 
how the energy of the divine will operates in the pro- 
duction of any one event? or, in short, can we conceive 
how any one cause ever produces any effect? Has 
the divine will, therefore, no energy? And is there no 
such thing as cause and effect? Can we conceive how 
God»can be omnipresent? Is he therefore, not om- 
nipresent ? In short, to come nearer home, can I con- 
ceive how the motion of the pen, now in my hand, is con 
nected with, and caused by my volition ? no more than I 
caia conceive how God could create the universe : yet my 



J2 kSCURITY, *\ 

pen d re, and that motion is connected with, and 

v volition. 

If on; conceptions must me the rule and the limit of 
our belief, we shall directly plunge into , and 

shall never stop short of atheism. The objection there* 
fore before us, is utterly void of weight, and is evidently 
of atheistical tendency. 

Since, therefore, the Mosaic In 
creation, afserfs nothing repugnant to reason, nor 3 
the phenomena of nature — since all existing [dera- 

tions rather favor than discountenance that dor dine — 
since that history, in general, is corroborated by collate 
ral testimonies, as far as they exist, and by the genuine 
characters of reality, truth and reasou, where they do 
not ; it challenges belief and respect, as the highest, most 
unquestionable and valuable of all ancient authoriti 



CHAPTER II 

SES WHICH HAVE OPERATED TO PLUNGE ANCI 
HISTORY IN DAB 

SEVERAL events, both in ancient and modern times, 
conspired to plunge the history of ancient nations in 
darkness. Those events have cast a veil of obscurity 
over such parts as have reached our times, and have un 
fortunately buried others in oblivion. In the first class 
of those events may be ranked the destruction of libra 
The famous library of Alexandria, founded by 
Ptolemy Philadelphia, about 284 years before the Chris 
fian era. consisted of vast collections of records, histo 

is, and works of taste. Tins imo 

repository of ancient science had been replenishing for 

ral centuries. Here was n ry thing that 

carious, valuable, or elegant, an rary produc 

of Me g, doubtless, 

all tfa down h\ 

This library 
burning of Alexaudri hilius 



CAUSES OF THE OBSCURITY, &C. S3 

Here were doubtless many valuable originals utterly 
lost. Before the art of printing, and especially in an 
dent times, there were but few books in the world ; no 
work of magnitude could be obtained but at a great ex- 
pense. The Alexandrian library might have comprised 
half the books in the world, and very many of them with 
scarce a duplicate existing. The loss was reckoned at 
100,000 volumes. The institution was, however, reviv- 
ed, and a still greater collection made, which was enrich- 
ed by the noble productions of the Augustan age. This 
flourished till the seventh century of the Christian era, 
when it was burned by the Saracens, who used the books 
for common fuel. There perished 700,000 volumes. 

We may next notice the extinction of smaller libra- 
ries, and institutions for promoting science : the loss of 
these, though less ostensible, yet, on account of their 
numbers, and dispersion through the most enlightened 
nations, by imperceptible degrees beclouded the skies, 
and served to overwhelm the days of antiquity in dark 
ness. The rage of barbarians, in every age, has been 
levelled at the productions of art and genius, which it is 
their pride and pleasure to destroy. When but few co- 
pies of the most valuable works were extant, the burning 
of a single house, might bury in oblivion the annals of a 
nation. Nor yet is the impervious gloom with which 
many parts of ancient history are covered, chargeable 
wholly on savages. In the destruction of Memphis, Per- 
sepolis, Babylon, Nineveh, Tyre, Jerusalem, Carthage, 
and Corinth, many valuable productions of genius and 
learning were for ever lost. Who can read of the sack 
of Corinth, without emotions of unspeakable regret? 
There the most elegant statues and pictures, the finest 
productions of Greece in her meridian, were dashed in 
the streets, crushed in the general wreck, and thrown 
into the flames : and after the immense capital of the Ro- 
man empire had been enriched, ornamented and aggran- 
dized by all that had escaped the wars of two thousand 
years, it was destined to be plundered from time to time, 
and fall a prey to the barbarians over whom it had tri- 
umphed ; so that in the reign of Justinian, it was besieged 
and taken five times in the space of twenty years. 

The decline of the Roman empire, and its subversion 
by the northern nations of Europe, have thrown be 



CAUSES OF THE OESCLIUT\, &C. 

ml ancient times, a wide and dreary vale of dark- 
. through which only a few of the stronger lights of 
history gleam upon our times : and instead of wondering 
that there is so little, it is wonderful, indeed, that so 
much has escaped the gulf of oblivion — that so many in- 
estimable jewels have heen dug from the tombs of em 
pireSj and that so many noble monuments of literature 
have been able to resist the waste of ages, and the shock 
of revolutions. 

The Roman empire first experienced a total loss of 
public virtue. Inseparably connected with that, was the 
of its liberties, and the elevation to the imperial 
throne of a succession of the most execrable monsters of 
vice that ever swayed a sceptre. It long survived its 
orators, poets, historians and philosophers — it long sur- 
vived its virtue, integrity and martial spirit. During so 
general a decay of intelligence, genius, and virtue, events 
must have arisen highly prejudicial to ancient literature, 
which we have no means of tracing. All the paths of 
science were overrun and entangled with unintelligible 
scholastic jargon ; and the christian religion itself, which 
had, by the purity and simplicity of its doctrines and 
morals, prevailed and triumphed through the empire, at 
length became loaded with useless ceremony, and ridi- 
culous superstition. 

In a word, the fall of the ancient Greeks aud Romans, 
the rage of barbarians, a series of great revolutions, and 
the lapse of numerous ages, have conspired with num- 
berless events of less magnitude, to lesson our means oi 
the knowledge of ancient history. But many stupendous 
works of art and literary productions have made their 
way through all these storms, have neither been worn out 
by the wheel of revolving ages, cancelled by the restless 
malice of man, nor crushed in the general wreck of states 
and empi 

To trace out these valuable remains, is a melancholy. 
though a pleasing, useful and important work. To ac 
complish that work, we are compelled to examine a vo- 
luminous comment on the depravity of our species: we 
ar^ led to consider man, when under the reign of his pas- 
. as an object of extreme deformity, and disgust. 
\n pi those interesting discoveries, we are guided 

ed lighl h burn with strong lu«- 



ANCIENT HISTORY. ZJ 

I make wide ami solitary excursions among 
the tombs of heroes, ages, empires, and revolutions. 
There we shall see displayed the greatest efforts of ge- 
nius, and the strongest powers of philosophy : and there 
we shall see that all human institutions, however flourish- 
ing they may appear tor a while, must at length fade. 



CHAPTER III 

SOURCES WHENCE THE KNOWLEDGE OF ANCIENT HIS 
TORY IS DRAWN. 

IT is upwards of 3600 years since Memnou, the Egyp- 
tian, invented the letters of the alphabet ; about three cen- 
turies after which they were introduced by Cadmus into 
Greece.* To perpetuate the memory of events, and to 
convey ideas to persons absent, invention first suggested 
the use of figures, or images of things intended. When 
these were found inadequate, symbols, emblematic of 
more complex ideas, were adopted. But the defect of 
these, in expressing combinations and abstract ideas, must 
have soon appeared : and was probably followed by the 
discovery, that a certain combination of arbitrary marks 
might be adapted to the expression of all articulate 
sounds. This was doubtless the noblest of all inventions, 
as it lias proved a most wonderful mean of improving the 
human mind. It not only answered the highest expec- 

Great and respectable authorities advocate the opinion that al- 
phabetic writing was not a human invention, but wholly a matter of 
immediate inspiration. Neither their arguments, nor the answers to 
them-, can be here inserted. Much may be said on both sides of this 
question. We shall on!y observe, that it seems paying a useless 
compliment to revelation, miracle, inspiration, or any kind of si 
natural agency, to be ready to call in their aid, in matters where they 
are no! necessary, or to ascribe to them, as causes, things which may 
be easily accounted for without them. Besides, it is contrary to a 
known ru!r of philosophy^ winch forbids us to inquire for more causes 
of a thing than are sufficient to explain its phenomena. There is 
not only a iota! want of evidence that an alphabet was given by in- 
spiration, but like al! other arts, we seem fully authorized to ascribe 
it to the progress of invention and discovery. Many things in the 

modern, strongly corroborate 
Opinion. 

D 



tations of its inventor, bul doubtless far i 

it proved to be the father of all the liberal 
3, and has continued the widening sourcte 
of knowledge, happiness, and admiration to 

The most ancient of authentic historians with whom 
re acquainted is Moses. He was born in Rgj pt 1 .*>?* 1 
before Christ, at a time. have already 

marked, when Egypt was the (hi htened of all na 

tions. He, being the adopted son of Pharaoh's daughter, 
-.f course educated in all their learning. He was horn 
777 years after the flood, '2S<) after Ninus founded the 
rian empire, and 277 years after the death of Sbem. 
When Moses wrote, alphabetic writing had been 
known in Egypt several centuries : and if. we consider 
ipid improvements which that vef; peo- 

aadc in art and science, we shall i be- 

that, in Mo>t'*'s time, they had made very consider- 
able ( . Nor were the Egyptians the only nation 
who improved in sci< that early period. The Chal- 
or Assyrians were among the First cultivatoi 

particularly astronomy : so that, as we have 
noted, their astronomical obscn in a< 

nineteen hundred years before the 
der. 

of the ancient nations, which did not 
•.ill sometime after the ilood — the simplicity 
of their modes of life — their being planted in luxuriant re- 
gious of health and plenty, and their genius and spirit 
will accountjforthe rapidity of their improve- 
ments and population: so that it will he no matter of 
surprise if we find, within seven hundred years after 
tern continent generally peopled — if 
nd populous at nations, and extensive em- 

pin 

At the time already mentioned, Moses appeared iu 

man whom divine endowments, genius and 

1 as the elevated rank to which he was 

idoption and which he ornamented by his 

tad fitted for an important sphere of action, as 

,!, prophet, and I n. To what was 

said i ner chapter, concern - advanl 

in writing thi wrote, e only add, 

'hat. as alphabetic writing, and of course somethii; 



--** 



ANCIENT HISTORY. #7 

.records might have been within forty years of the death 
of Shem, who had conversed long with Methusaleh, and 
he with Adam, we cannot doubt that Moses had not only 
the most ancient, but the most correct information coik 
cerning the tilings found in his history. 

The history written by Moses contains nothing but 
what might be looked for in the dictates of a being of in- 
finite wisdom ; and the nature and character of the live 
books called the Pentateuch, exhibit as clear a proof 
of divine inspiration as the frame of the heavens and 
earth do of divine workmanship, and that blindness must 
be great which does not perceive them to be so. Indeed. 
it w r ill be found to be a truth, that those who question the 
one will also doubt of the other. In this place we cannot 
avoid noticing the remark of an elegant historian, but 
who, at times, seems capable of assertions equally bold, 
impious, and profane."* He asserts, that the God of 
Moses delighted in blood and cruelty. Will that writer 
deny the universality of God's providence? Will he af- 
firm, that God almighty delights in cruelty and blood ? 
It will be readily granted, that the nations of Canaan, 
whom Moses and Joshua invaded, had never injured the 
Hebrews : but had the Governor of the universe no right 
to punish them for their wickedness, by what instruments 
he pleased? Will that writer affirm, that the Canaanites 
were an innocent, virtuous people, not deserving what 
they suffered ? It was far otherwise ; and so enormous 
were their crimes, that the righteous God of providence 
saw lit to extirpate them from the earth. To which 
work he commissioned the Israelites, and made them the 
executioners of his wrath and vengeance. Were they 
bettei [he people of Lisbon, Lima, or Portugal, 

who perished by earthquakes ? or was the destruction of 
the latter more providential than theirs ? or is it essential 
to justice that the criminal should always suffer by the 
hand of the injured person ? Even under the best govern- 
ments, criminals always suffer by hands whom they never 
injured. It is the province of every good government to 
provide its own executioners, and they are often persons 
who have no knowledge of the criminal. It was in this 
way God punished the people of Canaan : and who knows 

\ncient Europe. 









y bad trampled equally «>n 
the iluv 
f their Crei 
st noticed, was one of the must blaspher 
pcd the mouth of mad. r/oi live, 

Lonl Ood, I have no pleasure in the i 
the wicked, but thai the wicked turn from bi^ way and 
Does iIm- genera] coarse <>r divine provide; • 
►wr author's assertion? or rather, does it opt exhibit 
learesl proof that God is long sufl'ci 
and abundant in goodness and mere 
.Next to Moses, th whose history u 

by Josephus, a Jewish writer of the Ai . and 

) by Dr. Prideaux, a late writer of note — is llero- 
(«rei k historian, w ho is justly called the J. 
of history. He nourished in the 87th Olympiad, 413 
Christ, lie was of the city of Halicarnas- 
ime ciry of Caria, a colony of the Asiatic 
ks. He wrote about a century before Alexander the 

Persian empire 
th, while Egypt remained the august se 
ir the sacking of Rome by B , and 

while the Grecian republics were yet free, virtuous, and 

Herodotus had travelled much in western Asia*— had 
visited the venerable seats of the ancient empires. His 
ory was divided into nine books. When he 
I bis history to the learned assembly of Greece, they 
books the names of the nine muses, as a 1 
high sense (bey entertained of their superla- 
it. lie wrote in the Ionic dialect. 
nophon, a Greek historian, wrote about half a ecu 
\nv\ after Herodotus. He bad commanded an army in 
■ n the time of the younger Cyrus; and bad eon- 
ducted the retreat often thousand Greeks from the heart 
of the Persian empire ; an event much celebrated in ail- 
Tin- : \( uophon is simple, ner- 

bc doubted. 

«.i Homi indant iuforma- 

. claim the honor 



IENT HISTORY. 29 

iving birch to Homer. He wrote 90? years before 

iiristian era, From his poems we may learn t;ic 
manners and customs of his time ; the modes of life and 
A making war; and the notions of honor, morality, rcli- 
:.»!). and government which prevailed. 
The genius of Homer was strong and rapid. To a 
'lit of knowledge, he added equal purity and 
lice of taste. His notions of character were just, 
. and distinguishing : so that, as is said of am 
ancient writer, •• his description is vision. " Ossian, the 
Scottish bard, resembled if not excelled him in strei 
and boldness of imagination. While Virgil is to 
to the meanders of a majestic river through a rich 
fruitful land. Homer is compared to a stroke of 1 
ning, which in a moment dazzles, astonishes, and is 
Homer ? s Iliad will ever be considered an astoms 
display of genius ; but of that kind of genius, how 
which is rather terrible than lovely. The ci; 
which he drew fully evince the truth of this remark. A 
character more unlovely than that of Achilles cannot 
well be imagined. Indeed, strength and con rap 
the favorite virtues of Homer, under whose burning pen 
ihey often degenerate into cruelty, barbarity and rev 
War, blood and desolation, form the prominent features 
of the. Iliad ; and render it, of all books, the most suita- 
ble pocket companion for Alexander the Great. 

Thucydides, Polybius, Diodorus Hieulus, Dionysius 
of Halicarnassus, and many other writers before the 
christian era: and, about that time and a little after, Livy, 
Pliny, Tacitus, Suetonius, Plutarch, and others : and 
among the Roman writers also, the names of JtVstiri, Sal- 
V irgil, and Cicero, should be noticed. These wri- 
al though they all did not write history, yet all con- 
tributed more or less to perpetuate the important trans- 
actions of their times. To the labors of these men, the 
world is indebted for most of what is known of ancient 
history. 

Many of the writings of Cicero have readied our times, 
hut there is reason, notwithstanding, to believe that seme 
of his most excellent productions are lost. Cicero's works 
have been more fortunate than those of most of his pre- 
decessors or contemporaries. It is thought that the an- 
cieuts excelled the moderns in genius : however this 



3U CES 01 

might he, it can scarcely be doubted, thai they excelled 
in what is of more value than genius — even industry. 

There is another source from whence some knowledge 
of antiquity is obtained — 1 mean the ruins o maz- 

structures, towers, palaces, and temples, which are 
I in many parts of Burop . and A. 

This, indeed, would have heen a much more fruitful 
ce of knowledge, but for the repeated and too suc- 
>il efforts of barbarians and hostile an 
them of (heir ornaments, to tarnish their beauties, and to 
ir inscriptions. These mourn ' ancient 

[fioence and splendor, are scattered along 
oast of the Mediterranean, on the northern shores 
of Africa, and indeed in many other parts of the am 
world. One would scarcely believe, after knowing the 
ite of Africa, that, it was once reckon- 
ed the high' of luxury to reside there — that, as a 
fcrred to France, or Spain, or Italy; 
and that even Italy itself drew its corn from the fruitful 
of Africa.* Egypt and ( re once l 
Nourishing empires: the former disputed with the 
rians and Gtree% ith the Romans, 
for supremacy. The pyramids of Egypt, as the; 
the oldest monument so the 
certainly the, mdst Stupendous monuments of patient and 
persevering labor. From the earliest ages of history 
have stood, and have defied the waste of time, and 
desolations of war. To demolish the pyramids, 
would require more than the strength of a few indivi- 
. and more than the perseverance of a barbarian 
army : therefore they stand, and will probably stand for 

ader may see, in Thomp 
. Volney's, and Bru . a particular account 

of the remains of antiquity in Syria, .Egypt, and some 
other parts. 

The ancient monuments, found in Asia and Europe, 

•dicative of far greater >n of taste and sub 

limity of design thi 1 ready mentioned. To 

on of p Greek 1 proportion. 

iv, wrought with the utmost 

9kill into buildings of noble form, majestic size, and elc- 

w " QuiOquid de Liby< 



ANCIENT HISTORY. 31 

^aut proportion, gave them an air of sublimity, probably 
never to be excelled. But by how much these buildings 
displayed genius and science, by so much were they the 
more exposed to the savage fury of war. A few of them 
bave escaped, which make report to us of the astonish- 
ing genius of the ancients, which we never could have 
obtained from books. What must Athens have been in 
the days of Pericles ! 

The ruins of Persepolis, Palmyra, and Balbeck, of 
which all travellers, who have seen them, speak with 
admiration and amazement, tell us more than we could 
learn from volumes, concerning the opulence, power, and 
genius of their builders, and of the splendor and glory 
of their times. In all parts of Greece and Italy, and 
even co-extensive with the power of the ancient Romans*, 
the remains of their grandeur may be seen in causeways, 
bridges, camps, castles, walls, temples, and monuments. 

The celebrated Arundelian marbles, the numerous in- 
scriptions, the remains of statues, medals, and paintings, 
which have been discovered in vaults, or dug from ruins, 
or which have been preserved in sequestered places or 
found by accident, increase the body of evidence — cast 
a certain light on various parts of history, and determine 
many chronological questions of importance. 

These evidences of antiquity, standing singly, would 
lose much of their weight ; but, combined, they substan- 
tiate and confirm each other ; and, considered in their 
various connexions and relations, there no longer re- 
mains a doubt of their veracity. Their combined testi- 
monies give strength to each other singly, and in their 
sum they form a body of evidence as clear and irresisti- 
ble as any case of ocular demonstration. It will be found 
as difficult to doubt whether Alexander was king of Ma 
cedon, and conquered Persia, as whether George Wash 
ington was general and president in America.* 

4 In the following work, we have followed one or another of the 
preceding; authors as occasion served, or have taken their account r 
indirectly through the hands of modern writers; among which we 
have consulted more particularly the following, viz. Rollin's Ancient 
History, RussePs Ancient Europe, Gillies' Greece, Travels of Ana 
charsis, Prideaux's Connexion, Bedford's Chronology, the Ency 
olopedia, Kennett's Roman Antiquities. Goldsmith's 
Roman Hist 



VI 1 

CHAPTER 1\ 

\ SHY MA. 

■ i Til i 

rid, for • 
v buried in oblivion. From tin 
_(', littli' more ha 
gy of llic patriarchs ; a brief account of f the 

antideliivians, and of the ruin which tliey in 
The first dawn of tin 4 li r j;ht of civil ' 

nil the foundation of the ancient kingdom of 11 
Ion, or Assyrian empire; and even thei 
and dubious beam. 
Nimrnd laid the foundation of the city and of tl 
domof Babylon. The. beginning of his kingdom, 

d historian, was Babel, and Erech, and Ac 
and Calneh, in the land of Shinar. Nimrod \\i\> tin 
of Gush, grandson of Ham, and great grandson of 
Noah. The era in which the foundation of this first of 
empi laid i- fixed, by the concurrence of most 

chvonologers, in the year of the world 1800, about a 
tury and he deluge, and 3204 "fore 

irth of Cnri 

is nothing known respecting tin and 

Simrod, excepting what we find in the 
nd the account there given 

. hunter, and is said to 
'inning of which label, 

or 15 

. 









> 



N ASSYIMAX EMPIRE. S3 

Hidered in the line of the Messiah. Elam, the eldest son 
of 8hcin, settled in Persia, and it is highly probable that 
Noah himself went still for! her east. The great antiquity 
of the Chinese empire, their original character and man- 
ners, and the peculiarity of their language, both written 
and spoken, are proofs that they are one of th* most an- 
cient nations and governments, and that their founders 
were anionarst the wisest of the human race. To this if 
we add, the abundance of their traditions concerning the 
ilood, and of things which with little alteration will apply- 
to Noah and to him only, we can scarcely doubt, that 
either that patriarch or some of his descendants near his 
time, founded that empire. To all this if we add the 
silence of Moses's history, concerning Noah after the 
Hood, we shall be confirmed in the belief, that he actual- 
ly retired from Western Asia, the general scene of that 
history : and, for reasons equally strong, shall see no 
loom to conjecture that he moved northward into the 
cold inhospitable wilds of Europe. That region was 
left to be explored and settled by some of his more hardy 
enterprising sons. 

The career of government began with simple monar- 
chy. It was no doubt first suggested, by the authority 
which nature gives the parent over his child : for, no 
sooner did experience show the utility of combining the 
strength of a multitude in one exertion, than the impor- 
tance of a centre of union was seen. To give energy 
and system to any combination, to render it durable, 
wieldy and effective, there must be a directing head. 

A discerning ambitious man, clothed with patriarchal 
authority, might soon see numberless ways of extending 
his prerogative, and strengthening the nerves of his 
power. Indeed, before parental authority was amena- 
ble to a higher court, it is not easy to conceive of a mon- 
archy more unlimited. In a number of particular fami- 
lies, the chief of each house would form a subordinate 
rank; they would naturally give place to the heads of 
tribes, and each of them unite in one patriarch, or grand 
chief. Such, probably, ivas Nimrod: by what other 
means, less laudable, he raised himself to power, is only 
matter of conjecture. 

We have already said that Nimrod's achievements 
are not particularlv known. He first employed his 

R 



VI. 

anus successfully against v. ild ami be < 

Mim's styles lii m , a mighty hunter: he next mad* 
upon his own species, and founded his empire in blood : 
but we remain ignorant of the ex ten I of his dominion 
(he duration of his reign. His son and sin 
Ninu.s, wlm>r name, together with that of Semirarai 
rendered tannins !»y the exploi • the) 
done. Xinns built (he city of Nineveh, whirl. 
to have been 60 miles in circumference, inclo 
wall 100'fcel highland fortified with 1500 tov 
feet higfr. Ninus engaged in many wars, and enlai 
his dominions on every side, particularly eastward; for 
he is said to havele*! armies into India — but Semiramis, 
his queen, who survived him ma' -ed in 

great glory, rendered her name immortal, hy an extraor- 
dinary course of splendid actions. Manv su peril struc- 
tures and works of magnificence, about Babylon, 
ascribed to her ; in the building of which she emplo 
two millions of men. 

If historians deserve credit, ancient Babvlon was the 

noblest city everbuilt by man. It stood on a fertile and 

beautiful plain, watered hy the river Euphrates, which 

d through the midst of the city Its walls, which 

carried to the astonishing height of 3150 feet, were 

et in thickness, and inclosed an exact square, whose 

side was 15 miles: so that the cily was 60 miles in cir 

cuit. There were fifty grand streets, that is, twenty-live 

running each way, On riglit lines parallel to each other. 

The;, !.">() feet wide, and crossing each oth.< 

Ih'ey all terminated in four si liicii la;, 

round next to the wall on every side of the city, 200 
feet wide. Thus the city was laid into 67b' squares 
100 rods on each side. These squares were lined with 
numberless edifices, beside houses generally three or foui 
stories high; and within the squares were innumerable 
delightful plantations, pleasure grounds and gardens 

of the 
in the'dn :ar, or Nitecris his daughter- 

in-law . th * in the days of Semiramis, by w horn 

Tin . on a plain, yet the celebrated 

baugi d the walls. They raised 

indred feet on each side, in^ 



ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 3fl 

lernally supported by arches raised on arches, and with- 
out by a massy wall many yards in thickness. These 
works were carried up to the height of the wall, and 
over all a platform was laid four hundred feet square, 
formed by flat stones of an amazing size, over which 
were layers of reeds, then bricks cemented, and plates 
of lead, and then the earth for the garden, in such thick- 
ness as \> support trees of the largest size. They were 
watered by an engine from the bed of the Euphrates. 
Brevity forbids that we give a description of the tower of 
Babel, forty rods square at the bottom, and upwards of 
000 feet high, or the moat which encompassed the walls 
— the bridge over the Euphrates — the palaces and the 
subterraneous ways. 

Many of these wonderful edifices are supposed to have 
been built by Semiramis. She carried her arms far into 
Ethiopia, and still farther into India, where she was at 
last defeated with a total overthrow by an Indian king. 
These early conquests were far different, both in their 
nature and consequences, from those afterwards made by 
the Greeks and Romans — they were more easily gained 
and lost. Indeed, the progresses made by Semiramis, 
Sesostris, and others, through Asia and Africa, were 
little more than excursions of discovery. They moved 
at the head of an immense multitude, without order, or 
much resistance, and lived upon rapine and hunting : for, 
in these times, not only fortification but the military art 
was unknown: of course, wherever they went they car- 
ried conquest, which was generally holden by no other 
band of security than the weak and savage state of the 
"onquered. 

But the accounts we have of those early times are, in 
sundry respects, exaggerated, especially with regard to 
the greatness of their cities and conquests. Herodotus 
affirms, however, that Babylon maintained her conquests 
;>00 years. 

Semiramis, after a reign of 42 years, abdicated lit 
government to her son Ninyas. Few females have been 
more famous for their masculine virtues \ perhaps no one 
ever stood higher on the list of heroes and conquerors : 
as to those virtues which beautify and adorn the female 
character, historians have little to say of her. 

Ninyas succeeded his mother. In what year of the 



Lined ; nor is it . 

the history of II cm 

mi' i); ;i thousand j I'm 

ly reported tbe naiaes of tin ding 

They w laorditu 

luxury, slothj idleness and the most horrid tyranny. 
The pr< of the empire, during that period, had 

dual subjection to those de- 
bahly for the most part, none at :\ll : 
douht, the pomp of universal empire, 
mfined to the proud capitals Babylon 
Nim The Trojan war took [dace some time after 

the middle period of the Assyrian empire; but Hosier 
makes no mention of the Assyrian greatness; :i fiiet, 
which, had it existed, could not have escaped his per- 
vading mind, or wanted a place in his historical, geo 
phical and martial poem. As the universal conquest 
Sesostris king of Egypt are said to have happened a 
little before the Trojan war, Babylon aud Nineveh must 
have lain central in his sweep of conquest, and it i 
at all likely he passed them by, but much more likely 
J hat his eastern career of victory was begun by th< 
duction of those proud cities ? Would he go to the con- 
quest of India and leave the -Vssyrian empire in bis rear, 
powerful, in dependant and hostile ? The misfortune of 
the ease is, that the glory and conquests of Sesostris 
as dubious as those of the Assyrians, and they certainly 
could not have existed together. The Assyrian empire 
first and last was probably loss in fact, thau it is in 
histo 



CHAPTER V. 

IHE ASSYRIAN EliPIl >M TIIL REIGN or Ni 

THE FALL 01 NINE'S EH. 

TH E uccessors of Ninyas, the son of Semiramis, are 
known in history. The seat of their government, 
4 !i»er of their enormities, was interchangeably at Ba- 
li and Nineveh. About 1450 years after the empire 
was founded by ISimrod, we find Sardanapalus reigning 



• VRIAN EMPIRE. $7 

a! i\ iae> eli. If we may suppose that the line of succes- 
sion was unbroken, from the warlike Semiramis to him, 
than which nothing is more probable — he was the last 
of that degenerate race of kings. From the silence of 
Homer — from the power and conquests of the kiugs of 
Egypt — from the figure Amraphael, king of Shiriar. made 
in the days of Abraham, as stated in Genesis, and from 
the profound oblivion of the Assyrian history during so 
long a time, it is probable, that the Assyrian monarchy 
was broken, dissolved, perhaps annihilated, and that it 
must have undergone revolutions, exterminating wars, 
and petty tyrannies, at various times. 

However that may be, in the time and during the reign 
of Sardanapalus, history seems a little to emerge from 
darkness. That prince, being rendered weak and des- 
picable by his vices, Abraces, governor of Media, and 
Belesis, governor of Babylon, rebelled against him — de- 
feated him in battle — drove him into his capital, where 
he is said to have destroyed his treasures, and burned 
himself to death. 

The result of this rebellion was the dismemberment 
of the Assyrian empire. The province of Media gained 
its liberty. A king, by the name of Ninus the younger, 
was established in Nineveh, and Belesis, one of the con- 
spirators, became master of Babylon, as a separate king- 
dom : he is called, in history, Nabonassar. 

The beginning of the reign of N abonassar, which was 
74/7 years before Christ, is supposed to be the first era 
from whence the line of civil history can be with certain- 
ty drawn. Nabonassar was contemporary with Joash, 
king of Judah, and his era commenced within six years 
of the founding of Rome. 

This revolution, although it rent the Assyrian empire 
in pieces, neither impaired the splendor nor magnificence 
of Nineveh or Babylon. Those cities now became the 
seats of independent princes, and distinct empires ; and 
doubtless derived benefit from their new masters : but 
neither the history of the one nor the other is entirely 
known. From Nabouassar to the final subversion of the 
empire by Cyrus, was 210 years ; during which period, 
considerable licht is thrown on the subject by the sacred 
writings. 



i ma as- 

ling two important circumstanci shall uo« 

lie repeated Irruptions of the Assyrian kii 
into .liiil.'u and Israel, and their depredations <m the 

nations — and secondly, llieir carrying 
Judah and Israel into captivity. 

We are told, 2 Kings xv. 111. that Pul, king of \ 

l, came into the land of Israel, and Menehei 
him a thousand talents of silver, to concilia h ivoi 

I protection. That thi> was a powerful in 
need no other proof than the n Hi w hit li tin 

rian kinu; was bought off. This invasion, ho> 

ra before the era of Nabonassar commenced. 

Nabonassar, after a reign of twelve ; 

ded by his son Merodach- Bala dan, of whom littli 
known. This prince was in friendship with the 
and sent an embassy to congratulate king II 
the recovery of hi< health. From tl iod the li 

tory of Babylon disappears, till the time of its union v 
Nineveh, under the government of Essarhaddon. B 
in the mean time, the Assyrian kings of Nineveh v 
generally hostile and formidable to the nation of Israel. 

Tiglath-Pileser, the first king of Nineveh after the 
partition of the empire. Was called in by Ah 
Judah. s) him against the kings iia and 

rael. lie came with a powerful army, and put a period 
to the kingdom of Syria, by taking Damascus, ii 
city. He severely scourged the kingdom of Israel, v\ h< 

solution now drew nigh; and proved a 1 ihd 

dangerous ally to Judah, Ahaz being obliged to roh tip- 
temple of i 1 treasures, to appeasi 
An account of thi- 1. 2 kin^s x\\. 7. Thi 
in the year 740, before Christ. 

About SO \ nvards. Shalmancser inva 

subdued Israel: hi ;ed Samaria, tin 

kingdom, three year — at length took it. and c the 

and planted them in Media. 
Thi happened about 250 years afterti na- 

tion of Israel from Judah. From this captivi 

irned. The probability is, that on 

mingled with other nations; Install distinction of 1 
and will to light 00 more. The inventive 

gin: have di - of th 

among the Turks, Tartars, America] 



THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 39 

where hut when we consider the character of the ten 
tribes — their proneness to idolatry, and to incorporate 
with other nations, which, in their most pure and virtu 
ous times, could not he prevented by their wisest legisla 
tors, even when they were a distinct and independent 
nation : when we consider the revolutions, tyrannies, 
barbarity, and ignorance of Asiatic tribes in all ages; 
When we consider the great length of time, and other 
auxiliary circumstances, we are strongly led to this con- 
clusion : still allowing full weight and authority to an- 
cient scripture prophecy, from which nothing certain on 
this subject cau be discovered. 

After a reign of fourteen years, Shalmaneser died, and 
was succeeded by his son Sennacherib. An account of 
his formidable invasion of Judah, in the reign of Heze- 
kiah, is particularly related, 2 Kings xviii. 13. He in- 
vaded Judah with a powerful army ; in the mean time 
defeated the king of Egypt, who was coming to relieve 
the Jews, and would have probably taken Jerusalem, 
but his army was suddenly destroyed by pestilence. He 
returned to Nineveh, where he played the tyrant with so 
high a hand, that his own sons assassinated him in the 
temple of Xisroch ; and he was succeeded in his throne 
by Essarhaddon. 

During the reign of this prince, the royal family of the 
kings of Babylon became extinct, and there was an in- 
terregnum of 8 years : the weak and disordered state oc 
casioned by this, enabled Essarhaddon, who was a wise 
and politic prince, to annex Babylon to his dominions. 
Thus, after a separation of 67 years, these two powerful 
kingdoms again became one : but this union, together 
with its happy fruits, was of short duration. The final 
destiny of Nineveh was now fast approaching: a rival 
power was rising to maturity, and ready to burst, with 
utter destruction, upon that proud empire. 

Essarhaddon, thirteen years after the union of Baby 

Ion with Nineveh, was succeeded by his son Nabuchodo- 

: this prince defeated and slew Phraortes, king of 

Vledes, in a great battle, and took Ecbatana, the ca 

of Media. This defeat, how ever, did not check the 

martial spirit or rapid growth of that warlike nation. It 

loft for the sons of the victors and vanquished to act 



40 

flir 1. lude the drama i 

in empii 
IV i and su 

soon at the head of a aumerous and well appointed army 
determining to revenge the death of his father, he march- 
ed dircctlj into Assyria, encountered and defeated an 

thrown in his way. and immediately invested v ^ 
\ eh. lie would probably have taken it. Inn 
. and march in haste to de 
territ( ythians, a race of waii 

inhabiting the wilds of Europe, had dri 
the Cimmerians, a people equally - !\ as 

terrible, dwelling near the Palus Mentis. These, in 
numberless hordes, were depopulating the Melds 

of Asia, and had invaded the dominion- of ( 
The Medea were defeated by them in 
and they remained masters of most countries between the 
Caspian, Black, and Mediterranean Seas- i part 

of Upper Asia, for several years. We shall speak more 
particularly of them in our review of the Persian empire. 
While the king of Media was waging doubtful wai 
with the Scythians, Nabopollasser. nor of J) 

Ion. revolted from the king of Nineveh, and set up an 
independent government. Jn this he was encourag* 
Cyaxares, who had not changed his purpose of subduing 
Nineveh. Saraeus, king of Nineveh, although menaced 
by such potent enemies, adopted no efficient system of 
defence; but, dissolved in luxury, and lost to all si 
of glory, he supinely waited the gathering storm. Cy- 
axares at length rid himself of the Scythian invadci - 
oke of policy, which nothing but the emergen- 
the times, and manners of the age, could warrant. He 

of the Scythian army to 
nil fei pared in various parts, where, in the midst 

mis, and others appoint- 

furiously upon them and killed 

(\ , rian etirpire, 

Inn. These 
ision 
Nineveh 



THE ASSYRIAN* EMPIRE. 4i 

A -sublime description is given of the fall of this an- 
cient city by the prophet Nahum. From that also we 
may form some idea of its greatness and splendor. This 
event happened B. C. 600, and in the 1-i/th year of Na- 
bonassar's era. 

The Assyrian empire rose, flourished, and fell, while 
the world was yet in its infancy. Few maxims of its 
government have reached our times — few incidents have 
escaped oblivion ; and those which have, are doubtless 
tiuctured with the stream of tradition, passing through 
long and bewildering tracts of time. From what we can 
gather from such dubious lights, we are led to conclude 
that the fabric of the ancient monarchical governments 
was very simple : it may be expressed in few words — 
sovereign power, aud absolute subjection. Where the 
monarch chanced to be an amiable character, the condi- 
tion of the subject ivas very tolerable ; but power so un- 
restrained, in the hands of a fcad man, produced the most 
dreadful tyranny. 

In every form of government, sovereign power must 
be lodged somewhere. Power, considered merely as 
corporeal strength, is naturally, in the hands of every 
man, nearly alike : and the machine of government is a 
device by which the power of many is combined and 
called forth by consent in one great exertion. To call 
forth and exert this combination, the monarch has the 
sole power : he therefore can do whatever all his people, 
collectively, can do; his will directs their whole strength. 
In mixed governments, especially in republics, this na- 
tional exertion is obtained, not by the will of one, but of 
many, who are chosen by the people for that purpose. 
But, in this latter case, individuals commonly find means 
to obtain the real, while, in the former, the monarch 
often holds only the nominal sovereignty. 

The splendor aud greatness of Nineveh, as of all other 
great cities in early times, consisted chiefly in their pub- 
lic buildings. The dwellings of the great mass of the 
people were little better than wretched hovels — without, 
miornamented, and within, unfurnished : iudeed, this is 
still the case in most of the great cities of Asia. Nine- 
veh and Babylon contained little worthy of notice, ex- 
cept their walls, towers, temples, palaces, and superb 
structure of rovaltv. How r iucomparablv mere magtti- 

F 



4£ INK AS^ l-;MrTRK. 

ficcnt are the modern cities of London or Paris, when 
?ie* ed as the abodes of men. Here ate seen monuments 
of every art and science — the astonishing effects of com- 
merce — opulence and independence reigning among all 
classes: the diffusion of knowledge— the reign of science, 
freedom and plenty. The private houses of modern ci- 
ties appear to be the residence of a free people, enjoy - 
iug no small portion of wealth, independence and hap- 
piness. 



CHAPTER VI. 

THE A^VklAN EMPIRE, FROM THE BBSTSUCTIO 

VEH TO THE TAKING OF BABYLON, BY CYRUS. 

BABYLON now remained unrivalled, and alone. The 
city consisted of a mighty assemblage of the most amaz- 
ing structures, temples, towers, palaces and walls — works 
ofmcredible labor and expense, where millions had toil- 
ed, and groaned in painful servitude. These buildings 
were rather admirable for their stupendous greatm 
than for elegance and due proportion in architecture. 
Vs for the rules and proportions in building, they were 
in a great measure unknown, and the different orders of 
architecture were yet to be discovered. They had no- 
thing comparable with the temple of Minerva or of Bal- 
heck. For the noble science of architecture, the world 
h indebted to tie strong and mathematical genius and 
ste of the ancient Greeks. 
\< fmehadnezzar was now on the throne of Babylon. 
A the extent of his dominions was answerable to the 
splendor cf his capital. But there were two cities, whose 
fame and opulence rendered them ohjects worthy of his 
ambition : one was Jerusalem, the other was Tyre : the 
latter of which was one of the strongest cities then known. 
The siege of Jerusalem employed him two years, 
which, however, be at length terminated by the utter de- 
;ic'ion of that noble city. He burnt Solomon's temple 
in the nineteenth year of his reign, and carried the Jews 
to Babylon, where they remained 70 years. Four years 
*fter, he besieged the city of Tyre; the reduction of 



THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 43 

which was the most arduous euterprise of liis life. Tyre 
had stood, from its found ation, 660 years ; having never 
been taken by any foreign power. After the Chaldean 
army had suffered incredible hardships, and consumed 
13 years in infinite labors, the city was taken ; not, how- 
ever, till the inhabitants had removed their pyncipal ef- 
fects to an island about half a mile from the shore. Here 
a new city rose, which soon eclipsed the glory of the for- 
mer ; a striking proof of the power of commerce. This 
new Tyre still flourished, and even far transcended its for- 
mer state. When attacked by Alexander the Great, nearly 
three centuries afterwards, it was able to resist the im- 
petuous valor and unrivalled skill of that great comman- 
der ; nor is it probable he ever could have taken it, but by 
making himself master of the sea. Of this siege we shall 
speak hereafter. 

Nebuchadnezzar reigned prosperously 43 years. Some- 
thing of his history and character may be collected from 
the sacred writings. He found no equal among the 
neighboring contemporary princes ; he extended his con- 
quests far and wide ; was the greatest monarch of his 
time, and doubtless the greatest that ever ruled the As- 
syrian empire. 

Babylon had now seen the zenith of its glory, and was 
soon to suffer a final and total eclipse. Four princes in 
succession, after Nebuchadnezzar, are remembered only 
to perpetuate their infamy, and to merit the just reproach 
of bringing ruin on themselves and people. Evil-Me- 
rodach, Nebuchadnezzar's son and successor, was taken 
off by insurrection : he was succeeded by Neriglissar, 
his brother-in-law. This prince was soon slain by the 
Armies of the Medes and Persians. His successor, still 
more infamous, reigned only nine months, and fell by 
conspiracy. To him succeeded Belshazzar, in whose 
reign Babylon was taken by Cyrus. This great city, 
justly considered as impregnable to every open and di- 
rect attack, was taken by stratagem, which we shall re 
late in speaking of the Medes aud Persians. Belshaz- 
zar was surprised in the midst of a public feast — was 
slain in the gate of bis palace, and the kingdom of Ba~ 
bylon became extinct, being the last branch of the an- 
cieut Assyrian empire, $10 years after ii« separation from 
Nineveh. 



14 mi. \^ i.uniu.. 

Tims toiled the Beeead Assyrian empire, having sub- 
siated| la various forms, 1068 years from the days of 
Nimrod. Babylon, however, still the noblest of all ci- 
ties, about twenty years after it was taken by Cyrus, re- 
volted from Darius BLystaspes, then in the fifth year of 
his reign, and made preparations for a long and desperate 
resistance; but was again taken by stratagem. Zopy- 
rus, the general of Darius, suffering his nose and ears to 
be cut off, fled into tin! city, pretendedly as a deserter. 
His military skill soon procured him a command in the 
city ; he opened the gates and let in the Persian army. 
A traitor should be suspected, but never trusted. Alex- 
ander intended to have made Babylon his capital ; it 
only furnished him with an untimely grave. It has been 
desolated for many ages ; the pleasant country around it 
becoming a morass by the overflowing of the Euphrates, 
its place is not exactly known ; and it has lain wholly 
desolate, and without inhabitant, from generation to gene- 
ration — literally fulfilling the predictions of Isaiah the 
prophet. 

The ancient Assyrian empire, exclusive of its exten- 
sive conquests, comprehended much of what is now 7 called 
Turkey in Asia; territories lying about the rivers Eu- 
phrates and Tigris : it stretched northward towards the 
Caspian and Black Seas, with a dubious boundary on 
Circassia : west and north-west it spread towards the 
Mediterranean Sea, and met Syria and Palestine ; south 
and south-west lay the Persian gulf and Arabia ; and 
east, the ancient Media and Persia; though, indeed, all 
these territories and many more, were at times, subju- 
gated to that monarchy. 

In glancing an eye at the rise and fall of the ancient 
nations, it would be highly useful and interesting, could 
we developc, with certainty, the sources of their pros- 
perity, and the causes of their fall : but if this inquiry is 
attended with inexplicable difficulties in instances the 
most recent, how remote from investigation is it in the 
first governments which ever existed ? National pros- 
perity may be considered in two points of light: i. When 
a nation, considered as a body, is powerful, respected, 
rich, and eminent in the view of surrounding nations : or 
2. When a nation is in such a state that the individuals 
who compose it arc prosperous, happy, and secure. 



PERSIA. 45 

la some instances these two kinds 6f national pros- 
perity have united for a time ; but those instances are 
rare, and that union of short continuance. History pre- 
sents many examples of the first : such, indeed, were all 
the ancient monarchies : such was the empire of Constan- 
tine the Great — of Charlemagne — of Ghenghis Khan — 
of Charles V — of Louis XIV — and we might come s ill 
nearer our time. But what histories shall we consul 1 to 
fiud examples of the second ? If we judge frci the most 
probable sources of conjecture, concerning individual 
happiness, in those empires of most splendid figure in 
history, our conclusions will not be very favorable. 
Where millions are subject to the control and arbitrary 
direction of one, however good may be his intention, yet 
he will err, through vanity — through weakness — through 
passion ; but, above all, through ignorance ; vainly rely- 
ing on his own sagacity, prudence and foresight, he will 
use his power to its extent ; he will form designs, and 
strike into projects, in the compass of which, the rights, 
if not the lives, of thousands and millions will be crush- 
ed, and their sighs and groans never heard. 

But nothing is more uncertain than any comparison we 
can make of the happiness of nations ; for in all govern- 
ments, sovereign power must be exercised by certain 
hands, either hereditary or elective ; and as all men are 
ambitious of power, it is a question what form of govern- 
ment contains the most of private happiness. If popu- 
lar governments are more equitable, they are, at the same 
time, most feeble, most liable to convulsions, revolutions, 
and of shortest duration. 



CHAPTER VII. 
MEDIA AND PERSIA. 

THE PERSIAN EMPIRE, FROM ITS FOUNDATION TO THE 
BIRTH OF CYRUS. 

THE Medes and Persians are considered as the de- 
scendants ofiShem, the son of Noah, and of the family 
of Elam. There is little known of that great and power- 



Ml l'EUSIA. 

ful people, but from Herodotus, Xenophon, and the sa- 
cred writings. Their empire, in its full extent, ex- 
tended from India to Ethiopia, and from the waters of 
India and Arabia to the Caspian and Black Seas. It 
was with them as it was with all the great empires of 
ancient times, their boundaries were frequently dubious, 
and always varying. Indeed, the present empire of Rus- 
sia is a similar instance, the emperor himself, and his 
ministers, scarcely knowing its real limits and extent ; 
for which there is good reason : their boundaries may be 
compared to those places where the land and sea dispute 
for empire, and prevail by turns. Their subjection is 
but nominal, and such is their distance from the seat of 
government — so wild and ferocious their manners, that 
correct intelligence can hardly keep pace with the ra- 
pidity of their revolutions. 

The Assyrian empire, the centre of which was about 
the river Euphrates, early subjugated all the different 
tribes and nations, from the river Indus to the isthmus of 
Suez ; of course the Persian territories were included. 
But before the revolt of Media from that empire, the his- 
tory of the Medea and Persians is unknown. It has been 
already noticed that Arbaces, governor of Media, taking 
advantage of the weak administration of Sardanapalus, 
king af Assyria, formed a conspiracy, and concentrated 
a combination of powers against him, which proved his 

t throw, and the dismemberment of his kingdom. 

Babylon, Nineveh, and Media became distinct and 
independent governments. Of the history of the two 
former we have drawn the outline : indeed, little more 
has escaped oblivion and reached our times. Whilst 
those great powers were going to decay, the Medes and 
Persians, like most nations in their youth, acquired a 
military spirit, and being uncorrupted with luxury and 
vice, they fell upon happy methods of discipline and in- 
ternal older, which could not fail of giving energy to 

ir councils, and success and renown to (heir arms. 

Some time after the separation of Media from the As- 
syrian empire, Dejoccs, a powerful chief of that country, 
erected it into a monarchy. He was a wise and politic 
prince : his character is highly celebrated by Herodotus 
and others. It is worthy of remark, that most nations, 
in the first of their career, are led and ruled by great and 



PERSIA. 47 

good men. We might instance Romulus and Numa, hi 
Rome ; Themistocles, Aristides, Lycurgus, Solon, Epa- 
minondas, in Greece ; Cyrus, in Persia ; David and Sol- 
omon, in Judea ; and in later times, Charlemagne, in 
France ; Alfred in England, and we may add, Washing 
ton, in America. 

Dejoces employed a long reign of more than fifty years 
in civilizing his subjects, promoting the arts of peace, 
and reducing to practice an excellent system of policy, 
and thereby shewing himself worthy to reign. He left 
behind him a grateful memorial in the minds of his sub- 
jects ; and a son and successor of a warlike, ambitious, 
and enterprising temper. Phraortes succeeded his father 
in the kingdom of Media. Few circumstances are re- 
corded of him. He carried on wars with various success 
— subjected the Persians to his power — made war with 
Nabuchodonosor, the king of Nineveh, in which he was 
unfortuuate, and terminted his career, together with his 
life, after a reign of twenty-two years. 

This Nebuchodonosor is thought to have been the 
monarch of that name mentioned in the book of Judith, 
who sent Holofernes to invade Judea. The Assyrian 
empire was then much weakened, and fast declining, but 
was still too powerful for the Medes. In those ages, 
when the safety of a nation depended more on personal 
valor and military skill, thau on riches and artful nego- 
ciations, the loss of a general battle produced very dif- 
ferent effects on a rising nation, composed of hardy war- 
riors, inflamed with a desire of conquest, and just be- 
ginning to he dazzled with the splendors of empire, from 
what it did on an ancient nation, immensely rich, volup- 
tuous, effeminate, and drowning in its own luxuries. 
While on the one hand, the Medes soon recovered their 
loss, and rose more terrible after the defeat and death 
of Phraortes ; on the othe:*, the defeat of the Assyrians 
before Bethulia, and the loss of a general and his army 
seemed to break their spirit, and hasten on their final 
subversion. 

Cyaxares the first succeeded his father Phraortes. He 
9oon collected and drew after him an army composed or 
the fiery and unconquerable spirits from the mountains 
of Media. He pushed his conquests in every direction 
— united the barbarous tribes of Media under his stand 



48 PERSIA. 

aril, and soon became formidable to all the neighbouring 
nations. But as bis conquests chiefly lay among tribes 
and clans of uncivilized barbarians, we shall pas9 them 
over in silence. 

The good fortune attending his arms, and the remem 
brauce of the shameful defeat and death of bis father hi 
the Assyrian war, now roused him to seek rej mge on that 
proud empire which had so Long tyrannized over many 
nations. He marched at the bead oi a powerful army, to 
wards Nineveh — encountered and defeated an Assyrian 
army thrown in his way, and laid close siege to the city. 
As the Assyrians were utterly unable to keep the field, 
their only safeguard and dependence was on the strength 
of their capital. But as nothing now remained of that war- 
like character which distinguished and exalted their n ac- 
tion in former ages, the siege was like to be of short con 
tinuance, and must have ended in the speedy reduction 
and utter ruin of that city, bad not providence designed 
to procrastinate their doom for a few more years. 

Cyaxares was suddenly recalled to defend his own 
territories from the Scythians, who had poured down 
upon Media, and were like to overrun all Western Asia 
This is the first irruption of that barbarous people men 
tioned in history. It was something upwards of 600 
years before the christian era. The history of that peo- 
ple is curious and wonderful : they seem to have been de- 
signed as the instrument of providence to scourge the 
nations of the earth. 

The northern and eastern wilds of Europe and Asia 
gave birth to a race of men, in early ages, more proper- 
ly called an immense collection of wandering tribes and 
families, than a nation. Their manner of life both in 
war and peace, has been uniform and perpetual: their 
courage was invincible, their armies innumerable, and 
they seemed to spring from sources inexhaustible. 
Though extremely fierce, and devoid of mental cultiva- 
tions, yet their policy, in its kind, was keen, artful and 
profound : their invasions resembled the emigration of an 
entire province — they carried along their families and 
effects, and the shock of their impression was adequate 
to the overturning of the greatest empires. In the most 
ous periods of the Roman empire, they shook its 



PERSIA. 49 

inundations, and finally, in one tremendous inundation, 
desolated the whole civilized world. 

As ancient Media lay nigh the Caspian Sea, and 
bordered on what is now denominated Circassia, the 
dominions of Cyaxares lay directly in their way into the 
interior of Western Asia. He therefore marched with 
all speed, and gave them battle ; but was totally defeated, 
and was obliged to fly before a victorious enemy. But 
as the circumstances of this war between the savage 
Scythians, and the Medes not much more civilized, are 
but slightly known, and would be wholly uninteresting 
were they otherwise, we shall not dwell upon them. It 
shall suffice to say, that Cyaxares, after struggling seve- 
ral years, with various fortune, found means to destroy 
and expel them from his dominions. He is said to have 
caused them to be invited to a feast, made in various parts 
of his kingdom, where, in the midst of intoxication, his 
guards, and other emissaries, fell upon them, and caused 
them to perish in a general massacre. The difficulties, 
however, attending so extensive and deep a conspiracy, 
leave room to doubt the authenticity of the story. 

Cyaxares at length found leisure to renew his invasion 
of Nineveh. He met with little obstruction in opening 
the siege, and as his efforts were aided by the king of 
Babylon, a powerful and warlike prince, with whom he 
had formed an alliance, the reduction of the city soon fol- 
lowed, as we have formerly noted. 

Cyaxares pursued his conquests, leaving only Chaldea 
to the king of Babylon ; and having extended his terri- 
tories, and enriched his armies with treasures and spoils 
of immense value, he returned to Media in great glory ; 
where the enervating influence of the Assyrian luxury 
soon became visible, and, among other causes, concur- 
red in transferring the empire from the Medes to the 
Persians. 

Cyaxares was succeeded by his son Astyages, whose 
reign was long and prosperous. He had a daughtei 
whose name was Mandane, who married Cambyse>. 
king of Persia. His son Cyaxares succeeded him in hi* 
Median territories. Of Cambyses and Mandane was 
born the great Cyrus, who put a period to the latter Assy- 
rian, and effected the union of the Median and Persian, 
empires. 

G 



.ttSiA, 



CHAPTER VIII. 



t kom THKniimi 01 i CHE 

COMlUKST OF THE LESSl'.k ASIA. 

THE legal heirtoasplended fortune, or to an imperial 
throne, has little honor in comparison with him, Mho, by 
the force of his genius, breaks the power of depressing 
-hears down all impediments—removes 
\ t a>ous difficulties and embarrassments with which 
»k men are encompassed, and carries along with him 
hole nation to the elevated summit of empire. Ilow- 
r much we may he disposed to ascribe it to a fortunate 
■nts, it will appear, on careful attention, 
to arise from that astonishing power some men have over 
others, of combining and directing their exertions to pro- 
per objects — from their great energy of character — from 
their commanding and comprehensive views of human 
affairs— from their quick discernment in the choice of 
expedients— from their hold and masterly projection of 
grand schemes, and from their diligence and persever- 
ance in every pursuit. 

With such a genius Cyrus was endowed. He found 
his native country but small, and inhabited by an m- 
nsiderable people. The territories of the aucient Per- 
sians, it is said by good authorities, comprehended but 
a small part of that vast country now bearing their name, 
v\hich extends from the river Indus to the Euphrates. 
They were allies and dependants on the Medes, who, 
under C vaxares the first, the great grandfather of Cyrus, 
bad destroyed Nineveh, and subjugated many neigh- 
boring countries, as already noticed. West of them 
\ the kingdom of Babylon, immensely opulent and still 
•werfiil, but declining under the administration of a 
i nasty of weak and vicious monarchs. 

the Medes had put a period to the first Assyrian 

Vssyrians of Babylon viewed them with an 

eye of jealousy, and waited only for a convenient time 

M on 80 powerful and dangerous a neighbor. 

This soon presented: and Nerigiissar, king of Babylon, 



PKRSIA. 51 

having drawn into his alliance Cmpsus, king of Lydia, 
and many neighboring princes and tributaries, took the 
field. Cyaxares the second had just before this succeed- 
ed to the throne of his father Astyages. He was alarm- 
ed at the prospect of so formidable a war, which seemed 
likely to overwhelm his dominions. He immediately 
sent to Cambyses, king of Persia, requesting that Cyrus 
might be sent to his aid at the head of the Persian aux- 
iliaries. 

Cyrus then first appeared as the commander of an 
army, and fully justified the expectations of those who 
had seen his wisdom, discreetness, and valor on former 
occasions. He displayed all the activity, the humanity, 
the addressable fortitude, and the personal authority of 
a great commander. A general battle was fought, in 
which the king of Babylon was slain — the Assyrian 
army totally defeated — their allies dispersed, and their 
affairs rendered desperate. But, as the victory was 
wholly owing to the conduct of Cyrus, the king of Me- 
dia was filled with chagrin, envy and discontent. He 
soon after returned home, and left Cyrus to prosecute 
the war at his own discretion. 

The Assyrians were unable to collect another army 
sufficient to cope with Cyrus. He therefore penetrated 
into Chaldea — took every fortress that lay in his way; 
ravaged the country, and marched to the gates of Baby- 
lon. But the stupendous height and impenetrable thick- 
ness of the walls — the lofty towers, and gates of solid 
brass, and the multitude of men within, seemed to indi- 
cate a longer siege and more obstinate defence than Cy- 
rus was prepared to undertake. Before that city could 
be taken, he had once more to try his fortune in the open 
field. 

He therefore returned with his victorious army to 
Media, to his uncle Cyaxares ; and from thence revisit- 
ed his father Cambyses, in his native country Persia, 
after an absence of about seven years. 

It was now pretty clearly foreseen that Cyrus was 
rising to the empire of Asia. His great qualities as a 
general — the sublimity and grandeur of his designs— 
the celerity of his movements — the martial order of his 
camps, and the tremendous impetuosity of his battles, 
added to the lustre of his character in private life, pre- 



PER8 

d hL> future greatness, ai^l seemed to Bet him foremost 
In the first rank of men then living; and a^ \w shall 

iter, entitled him to the highest, character of all the 
monarehs of Asia. 

On his approach towards Ihe borders of M- - just 

related, hifl nnele Cya.xarcs met hiin with coolness. And 
well might lie have been alarmed for the safety of his 
kingdom and the security of his crown, had Cyrus been 
of that, dark, perfidious character, which many great eon 
i[uerors have too clearly shewn to the world. Hut Cyrus 
had the address to dispel his tears, quiet his jealous 
and conciliate his affections: so that the just appn 
sinus of mankind of a rupture between the Medea and 
Persians, were removed; Cyrus, doubtless^rell • under- 
standing how important the strict union of those two 
like power- was to the accomplishment of his desi 
and also foreseeing how likely it was that he should 
day reign over both. 

The rapid growth of the Persian arms under C\ 
had now excited general attention from Egypt to India. 
\. league was formed among the principalities of Asia, 
at the head of which was the king of Babylon, and Croe- 
sus, king of Lydin. 

But before we proceed, it is necessary to draw the 
readers attention, for a moment, aside from the line we 
are tracing. The Lydians were an ancient people of the 
Lesser Asia, situated between Ionia on the wi^t, and the 
greater Phrygia on the east. They derived their name 
from Lydus, an ancient king of that country- His fami- 
ly, according to ancient authors, was supplanted by the 
descr of Hercules, who reigned over the Lydians. 

il centuries. After various revolutions, we find 
Crasus on the throne of Lydia, the prince just mention 
ed : he was the friend and ally of the king of Babylon 
his capital was Sardis. where afterwards \ tiated 

one of the seven churches of Asia. 

Cro rich, and the Lydians, though 

duptuous, were warlike, nation. This 

prince, notwithstanding the splendor and opulence of his 

court, and the luxurious magnificence of his kingdom, 

i consummate general, as well as a proficient in the 

Grecian philosophy. He was perpetually engaged in 

I made conquests and considerable additions to 



PERSIA. 5& 

his dominions. It may also be proper to observe, that 
the Lydians had, on former occasions, engaged in wars 
against the Medes, and were their natural enemies, as 
they were the friends and allies of the Assyrians. 

The king of Babylon, whom no emergency of govern 
ment, or national exigence, could now draw from hi* 
debaucheries, had placed Croasus as the acting head of 
the league, to contend with Cyrus ; but, in the mean time, 
had furnished him with vast sums of money — had drawn 
a great army even from Egypt — had collected what 
forces he could from all Western Asia, then very popu- 
lous ; and, in a word, had assembled an army, perhaps 
second to none in those times, but the army of Xerxes 
the Great, afterwards drawn from the same populous re- 
gions : it consisted of 420,000 men. This army was as- 
-embled at Thymbra, a place not far distant from Sar- 
dis, the capital of Lydia. 

Cyrus lost no time in collecting what forces he could, 
His army fell short of 200,000 ; but his chief dependence 
was on 70,000 Persians, whom, with his own hand, he 
had trained to the art of war; and into whom he had in 
fused his own invincible spirit. Contrary to all expecta- 
tion, Cyrus put his army immediately into motion, and 
marched in quest of his enemies. Their distance could 
not be less than a thousand miles : it was probably more. 
and that through countries inhabited by hostile nations, 
No difficulty could intimidate Cyrus — no labor or dangev 
oould abate the ardor of his troops. By long and rapid 
marches he soon came up to the place of rendezvous, from 
which Croesus had not moved, outlay in perfect security. 

Celerity is the first and grandest of all military maxims. 
It was this which gave victory and fame to Cyrus, Alex 
ander, Hannibal and Caesar; and it is this which is now 
prostrating the armies of all Europe before the victorious 
Napoleon. Though celerity indeed is not the only thing 
necessary ; yet, other things being as they should be, v 
lenders invasion irresistible and victory certain. 

The Assyrians were astonished at the intrepidity of 
Cyrus, especially considering the inferiority of his army, 
and distance from his own dominions. But still they 
placed confidence in their own resources — their superior 
numbers, and the military skill of their commander* 



! RSI A. 

A spa< ious plain was chosen on which the array of 
Croesus displayed a line of battle live miles in length. 
Their plan was to flank the Persians, and surround them, 
knowing tln»ir own numbers to be much superior. Cyrus, 
aware of this, had determined that his army should acl 
in three directions; and so sure of victory was he. thai 
he ordered the centre of his army not to move nor strike 
a blow till he had routed the wings of the enemy. When 
the signal for battle was given, the Persian army stood 
tirm and profoundly silent in a line much shorter and 
deeper than the enemy, till the wings of the latter had 
wheeled round and formed three sides of an encompa 
ins; square; at that instant Cyrus wheeled the wings of 
his array, and fell with an irresistible shock upon the 
wings of the enemy — they both gave way and fell into 
confusion ; that was the gignal for the centre, where com- 
menced a battle, long, fierce and bloody. An hundred 
and twenty thousand Egyptians, ranged in battalions 
thirty deep, in close order, and covered from head to fool 
with bucklers and cuirasses, formed the centre of the al- 
lied army. The horse on which Cyrus rode was killed, 
and he fell among forests of spears, and showers of jn 
lins. How often the fate of r battle, and even of whole 
nations, depends on the courage and strength of a gene- 
ral. Nothing could bear him down ; be defended him- 
self, sword in hand, till he was rescued by his guards 
and remounted. This column of Egyptians stood their 
ground, and fought with amazing bravery, till the Held 
was cleared of all other enemies. Cyrus then offered 
'hem honorable terms of capitulation, which they accept- 
ed, and laid down their arras. 

more complete, or battle more flc- 
ided at once the fate of the Lydians, and 

the nations oft!'' Lessor Asia. As Crcesus had wan 
tonly drawn the Assyrian war info hi* own kingdom, he 
fruits of his temerity. .Hut. determined 
the dispute; as much as possible, he collected 

- her army, and encountered Cyrus again, with simi- 

Fin fling all -tired into Sar- 

dis, and prepared I i] %t the con- 

ior. who now commenced aregnlai The city 

ed, aud Croesus was condemned to die, 

rj to favor, and, it is «aid. 



PERSIA. 55 

reinstated iu his dominions as a tributary prince. Some 
writers relate, that Solon, the celebrated Grecian philo- 
sopher, had, in the prosperous days of Croesus, visited 
that prince. That Croesus, after shewing him the splen- 
dor of his capital and resources of his kingdom, demand- 
ed of the philosopher whether he did not think him a 
happy man ? Solon answered him in the style of a stoic 
philosopher, and concluded by telling him that he could 
not tell whether he was happy till he had heard of his 
death. Croesus, in a rage at the freedom and boldness 
of Solon, called him a fool, and ordered him out of his 
sight. 

Cyrus, in the ancient barbarous manner, when Croesus 
had become his prisoner, ordered him to be burned to 
death ; he was accordingly bound on the pile, which was 
set on fire. While the flames were approaching the un- 
happy Croesus, he suddenly recollected the words of So- 
lon, and being now forcibly struck with their justness, 
he cried out — O Solon ! Solon ! The thing was told to 
Cyrus, who immediately demanded an explanation : 
whereupon Croesus related to him the circumstances of 
his interview with Solon, and concluded by saying, that 
u he will now hear of my death, and will indeed pro- 
nounce me an unhappy man." 

Cyrus, powerfully affected with the fickleness of for- 
tune, and the changes to which men are liable, ordered 
the royal captive unbound, and restored him to his favor. 
This story, however, is said by some writers to be fabu- 
lous. 

The voluntary submission of many states, by their am- 
bassadors, followed the conquest of Lydia ; and Cyrus 
had little further use for arms in that country. 

We skill soon see him in Chaldea, discovering the 
strength of his genius in the reduction of Babylon. This 
shall be the subject of the next chapter. 



PERSIA. 



CHAPTER IX 

filE i 1 EMPIRE, FRONT THE REDUCTION Oi Till 

B ASIA, BY CYRUS, TILL ITS SlBYJJtSK 
\NDKR. 

FROM the conquest of the lesser Asia, Gyrus dij 
<>d his march towards Syria and Arabia; aud in a feu 
years saw all Western Asia subjected to his arms, Ba 
nylon alone excepted. Tliis had, from the fust, 
his ambition, and had been the ultimate end of all his 
'•hemes and enterprises. With an army adequate to 
the undertaking, he now advanced towards that immense 
capital. He was met by the king of Babylon, witli a 
numerous army, whom he defeated with great slaughter. 
The Assyrian monarch fled into the city, shut after him 
the massy gates, and prepared for a long and resolute 
defence. This siege commenced about nine years after 
the capture of Sard 

Cyrus immediately drew his army before the city, and 
commenced a series of operations, in which the whole 
vigor and extent of his genius were aided by the most 
efficient principles of the art of war known in his day. 
But he had difficulties to encounter, which would have 
discouraged any one but himself. The Assyrians mock- 
ed and derided him from their lofty battlements ; and 
seemed secure in a fortress too strong to be reduced by 
Hie art of man. 

The height, thickness, and solidity of the walls of Ba 
bylon, rendered them impregnable to every attempt. 
On the top they were si) broad that several chariot* 
tiight run abreast : and at short distances there were 
towers much higher than the walls, continually tilled 
,.i;li armed men. The gales were solid pieces of bi 
of such strength and weight as to dv\\ all possible en- 
(-{' war. The Avails and towers were guarded by 
a numerous army ; and it was thought, with what pro- 
visions there were in the city, aud what might be raised 
within it in tl icutioned, that the inhabi- 

tants might cge of twenty years. TV 

ould have taken Babying 



PERSIA. 57 

otherwise than by stratagem : for, after having spent 
nearly two years, duriug which time he tried every mode 
of attack he could devise, he saw no prospect of success, 
nor any reason to expect but that a blockade of many 
years must be his only resort ; and even that resort ex- 
tremely dubious In its issue. 

But it is a truth, that whatever man can build, man 
can destroy ; and it is a truth far more melancholy, that 
with whatever expense, pleasure and ambition any thing 
is built by one man, the time may come when, with 
equal expense, pleasure and ambition, it will be demol 
ished by another. 

His comprehensive genius, however, at length project- 
ed a plan, by which he gained the city. At some dis- 
tance above the city, had been dug an immense pit, of 
size sufficient to receive the waters of the river for a con- 
siderable time. From this place were brought the ma- 
terials for building the walls and structures of Babylon. 
It is said to have been many miles in extent. With 
this lake the rivej: communicated, by canals, which were 
closed along the river by dikes of amazing strength, 
By breaking down these, the river would forsake its 
course, and flow into the lake. On the night of a pub- 
lic festival, Cyrus caused the dikes to be broken down. 
The river immediately turned out of its channel, which 
became so dry that the Persian army marched down 
into it, with little difficulty, into the city ; and were met 
by another division of the army who had marched up 
the channel from the opposite side of the city : and al- 
though there was a high wall on each side of the river, 
yet, on that night, the gates leading to the river were 
generally left open. In the midst of revelling and drunk- 
enuess, the inhabitants were surprised ; and the king 
hearing the uproar abroad, had only time to advance to 
the gate of his palace, where, fighting sword in hand, he 
was slain. 

The city and province of Babylon, without further 
resistance, submitted to the conqueror. Thus ended the 
Chaldean or Lower Assyrian empire. This event hap- 
pened about 30 years after the destruction of Jerusalem by 
Nebuchadnezzar — 209 years from the beginning of the 
reign of JS' abonassar, or Belesis — more than 2000 years 

H 



PERSIA. 

from its foundation by Nimrod, or Belus; and in the 
>re the cUristiiu 
Babylon had now received an irreparable Mow. This 
diversion of tin* river continued to overflow the fin 

part of the adjacent country, and at length turned it into 
an extensive marsh, as 1 ic and unhealthy 

The current of the river through the city 
I, and the v. Prom this pe- 

! Babylon experienced a rapid demy, till il was taken 
by Alexander the great, about two hundred years after. 
Alexander, with a view to make it the seat of his empire, 
had determined to restore it to its ancient splendor; but 
dying suddenly, the work ceased. His su a aban- 

doned that proud capital for ever; and fixed the seat of 
their government at Selcueia ; or, as it lied by 

some, New Babylon. The steps of its decline can scarce- 
|y be traced to a much later period. In the Augustan 

it was nearly desolate. Not the small i 
of it iow remains; and the exact place where it stood i* 
unknown. 

About two years after the reduction of Babylon, (V 

. by the death of his father and uncle, su '1 to 

the sovereignty of Media and Persia. His empire now 

extended from the Caspian Sea to the Indian ocean, and 

from India to Ethiopia. 

To relate the particulars of the reign of Cyrus, would 
conduce little to the general design of this work : and it 
would be still less conducive, and less interesting to 

particular.- concerning his suci The 

fall of i, and the rise of the Persian empire. 

to I he reader the first important revolution in the 

annals of bi iquences were general and 

pern 

i\v \> died te his 

the command of the Persian 

— if from the eon- 

i Babylon, ii v and if from the death 

of nted as 

I wisdom : in his coun- 

lished for j . as 

Id. U is to 

- of his 3 with his own 

glon : iriugthe prosperity of his kingdom on 



PERSIA. 69 

its surest basis. Ho may, without doubt, be consider- 
ed the greatest and best of the monarchs of Asia. 

Cyrus was an instrument of providence in accomplish- 
ing the divine designs towards the Jews, as we shall 
hereafter notice, in speaking of their history : and he had 
the distinguished honor of being foretold, even by name, 
as the restorer of that chosen people.* 

The Persians, in every age, have been a brave, polite, 
and generous people. Not even the influence of bad 
government, the gloomy reign of superstition, or the re- 
laxing indolence of a mild climate, could ever debase 
them to a level with their neighbors. But the meridian 
of their glory was in the reign of Cyrus. 

The important revolution effected by Cyrus, and the 
splendor of his reign, are rendered famous in sacred his- 
tory, by the restoration of the Jews, and the rebuilding 
of the city and temple of Jerusalem. They had been 
subdued and carried into captivity by Nebuchadnezzar, 
king of Babylon, where they had now remained for 70 
years. On the accession of Cyrus to the empire of Asia, he 
issued a decree for their restoration ; which, with other 
privileges, allowed them to return to Judea,to rebuild their 
cities, and to restore their worship. This decree was is- 
sued 4?68 years from the dedication of the temple by Solo- 
mon — 955 years from the departure of the Israelites out 
of Egypt, and 536 years before the christian era. 

Cyrus was succeeded in his extensive empire by his 
son, Cambyses ; who, in a short reign of eight years, did 
little worthy either of the monarch of Asia, or especially 
of the great character and actions of his father. He in- 
vaded Egypt with some success — was guilty of many 
cruelties — murdered Sinerdis, his only brother, the son 
of the great Cyrus. He was recalled from his Egyptian 
expedition to suppress a rebellion raised by Smerdis the 
Magian, who had usurped his throne in his absence. But 
on his return, as he was mounting his horse, his sword 
fell out of its scabbard, and gave him a wound in the 
thigh, of which he died. The Egyptians remark that it 
was a judgment of heaven upon him, because he had 
wounded their god Apis, in the same place. He had 

* Isaiah xlv. 1. 



60 PKRSIA. 

some military talents, hut was remarkable only for rasli- 
. pride, cruelty, aud injustice. 

Smerdh surper, being soon destroyed, \\;\s sue- 

ded by Darius ilystaspcs. After him the order of 
succession follows, viz, Xerxes tb«« Great, Artax- 

erxes, Xerxes II. Darius Nothus, Artaxeiwes Mnemon, 
Ochus, Arses, Darius Codomauus. From the accession 
of Cyrus till the conquest of Persia by Alexander, wai 
223 years — their average reign being about 20 years. 

In lookiug over tbis period of Persian history, from 
Cyrus to Alexauder, there is little to engage the atten- 
tion. The empire was generally on the decline. The 
vanity and vices of the kings, who reigned from time to 
time, were no less conspicuous than their dangerous ef- 
fects on the empire. The former led them often to en- 
gage in wars, particularly with the Greeks : the latter 
rendered them unable to contend with their enemies. 
Their most memorable enterprise was that of Xerxes 
the Great. His invasion of Greece was rendered famous 
by the greatness of his army, his dastardly conduct, total 
overthrow, and shameful retreat, to his own dominions. 
Of this extraordinary expedition a brief account shall be 
given. 

The growing power and military fame of the Greeks 
had, before the reign of Xerxes, excited both the jealousy 
and the fears of the Persian monarchs. Xerxes, there- 
fore, no sooner ascended the throne, than he began to 
meditate an invasion of Greece; and particularly of the 
Athenians, for their conduct during the reign of his fa- 
ther. Accordingly, he levied forces from all parts of his 
dominions, and made extensive preparations, both by 
sea and land. By means of an alliance with the Cartha- 
ginians, he drew auxiliaries even from Spain, Italy, and 
Gaul. The Carthaginians, who, at that time, had ac- 
quired an extensive military reputation, furnished him 
with an army of 300,000 men, under the command of 
Hamilcar. After the most active preparations through- 
out his dominions, tributaries and allies, he, in the sixth 
year of his reign, put his forces in motion — crossed the 
Hellespont on a bridge of boats, and encamped his army 
at the city Doriscus, by the mouth of the river Hebrus ; 
near which place he also drew together his naval arma- 
ment. Here he made a general review of all his forces ; 



PERSIA. 61 

and which, according to many authors, consisted of 
2,641,610 men, with upwards of 1200 ships : and to this 
immense multitude, says Dr. Prideaux, if we add all the 
slaves, the women, the attendants, &c. the number must 
exceed 6,000,000 — probably the greatest army ever 
brought into the field.* 

With this assemblage of nations, Xerxes advanced to 
the straits of Thermopylae, where he was met by Leoni- 
das, king of Sparta, and about 300 Lacedemonians, and 
as many Greeks as made up about 4000 men. This hand- 
ful of men defended the pass for two days, resisting every 
form of attack. The Greeks, however, growing weary 
of the unequal contest, at length all deserted Leonidas 
but his 300, and a few others. They stood their ground, 
and fought with amazing bravery, till every man was 
slain ; among whom was Leonidas himself. This dear- 
bought victory cost the Persians?20,000 of their bravest 
men, and two of the brothers of Xerxes : nor could they 
be otherwise than astonished at the valor and fortitude of 
the Greeks. 

To Leonidas the prize of valor has been allowed by 
all heroes, all ages, and nations. Many warriors have 
fought merely for fame, and have laid down their lives 
to gratify a mad ambition. Leonidas fought for his coun- 
try. He did not expect to conquer ; his object was to 
delay the enemy's progress, till his countrymen could 
assume a posture of defence. This object he gained, 
though he fell in the conflict. 

Passing the straits of Thermopylae, the Persian army, 
like the progress of a slow but mighty inundation, ad- 
vanced towards Athens. The Athenians, having consult- 
ed the Delphian Oracle, were directed to defend them- 
selves by wooden walls. When all were in doubt con- 
cerning the meaning of this response, says Cornelius Ne- 
pos, Themistocles, the Athenian general, told them that 
the intention of the Oracle was, that they should defend 
themselves by ships: accordingly, the Athenian and con- 
federate fleet of Greece, amounting to about 300 sail, 
drew up in the straits of Salamis. where they encounter- 
ed and totally defeated the fleets of Persia, destroying 

* This account of Prideaux is on the authority of Herodotus Plu- 
tarch, and otherB; be( DioderM and Vliar make it less. 



6fc PERSIA. 

many ship*, and dispersing the rest. This battle has 
been justly celebrated by all historians. Ii was gained 
by the masterly policy of Themistocles, who drew the, 
Persians to action in a disadvantageous place, and then, 
by a bravery nearly as magnanimous, and more fortunaU 
than that of Leonid as, obtained a complete victory. 

Xerxes' now saw clearly what enemies he had to con- 
tend with; and perceiving them entire masters of the sea, 
he was seized wiih the most alarming apprehensions for 
his own safety, although encompassed by millions. Leav- 
ing an army of 300,000 men with Mardonius. his gen 
ral, to prosecute the war, he hastened hack to the Hell< 
pont, lest his bridge of boats should be destroyed, and 
his retreat to his own dominions forever cut oflT. On his 
arrival, as he feared, he found his bridge to have heen 
broken by storms ; wherefore, in the utmost consternation 
for his safety among enemies so brave and intrepid, and 
for the preservation of his throne, which the news of his 
ill fortune would expose, to some aspiring rebel, he crossed 
the same Hellespont, which he had lately covered with 
his fleets and armies, in a fishing-boat, and returned 
home covered with shame and infamy. 

Still far more complete was the defeat of that part of 
this great invasion conducted by Hamilcar, the Carthagi- 
nian already mentioned ; for, landing an army of 300,000 
men in Sicily, he was suddenly attacked by Gelo, king 
of Sicily, as he Mas celebrating a public feast, and his 
whole army was either slain or made prisoners, and his 
: destroyed: Mardonias now only remained, to re- 
titrated forces of Greece, invincible by 
valor, and now formidable by numbers, although far in- 
ferior to tli The Greeks, com 

i Aristidcs, pursued him now 
'fcolia. Tliey came to a gene- 
ral battle near Plataca*, in which Mardonius was killed. 
:w \ put off. It is remarkable, that on 

i\ )e another battle was fought at sea, in which 

re completely victorious, and the remain - 
of the Persian fleet destroyed. 

Thus terminated the greatest expedition found »n the 
annals of history, it can hardly be doubted, that, had the 



PERSIA. 63 

Greeks carried their arms into Persia, they might, at that 
time, have subverted the Persian empire. 

Xerxes, who deserved the appellation of great J for lit- 
tle reason, except the greatness of his follies anil vices, 
employed the remainder of his reign in inglorious wars — 
in superstitions destructive to learning and civility, and 
in intrigues aud atrocities as disgraceful to his throne as 
injurious to his subjects. 

It will be found to be a just remark, that, as most na- 
tions have risen by industry and virtue, so they have 
fallen) by luxury,! indolence and vice. When the Per- 
sians ' were poor, hardy, industrious, brave, and virtu- 
ous, they enabled Cyrus to conquer and to govern Asia : 
but conquest and dominion rendered them vain and se- 
cure — wealth made them luxurious and effeminate — vice 
made them weak and contemptible. They had no longer 
a Cyrus to lead them to victory ; or, if they had, they 
were no longer a people capable of rising, by toil and 
discipline, to empire. But the Greeks themselves, not 
far from this period, had begun to feel the corrupting in- 
fluence of wealth and power. Long before the conquest 
of Persia, they had passed the meridian of their power 
and glory ; nor could a hero spring but from the wilds 
of Macedon, to subdue the Persian empire. 

The conquest of Persia, by Alexander the Great, will 
be noticed under the view of Grecian history. We shall, 
therefore, close this brief survey, by glancing an eye at 
the state of the Persian territories, subsequent* to Alex- 
ander's conquest. 

It has been already noticed, that Alexander, king of 
Macedon, above three centuries before the christian era, 
in the reign of Darius Codomanus, subdued Persia, and 
became master of all Western Asia. At the death of 
Alexander, his extensive dominions were divided among 
the chief generals of his army. Babylon, together with 
Media aud Persia, fell to Seleucus. 

The Seleucida?, or kings of Syria, held for a few years 
the empire of Persia. Some of them even marched ar- 
mies across the river Indus, with a view to maintain and 
extend their authority. But they could not govern what 
Alexander could subdue ; they could not even stand, 
where he could advance unmolested. Persia soon began 
fo be governed/by independent princes.! Though under 



II PERSIA. 

the name of Parthia, it was substantially the same. A 
dynasty of kings commenced with Arsaces, about 70 
years after the conquest of Persia by Alexander, !B$6 
years before Christ. The Arsacida* held the sent »f 
their government nearer to Media than Persia. They 
were powerful and warlike — were generally more than 
a mateh for the kings of Syria, and even set bounds to 
the Roman arms. Mithridates, called the great, was 
one of the most warlike monarchs of Asia. He nourish- 
ed about ISO years before the christian era ; and what is 
remarkable of him, he maintained a war with the Ko- 
mans 40 years, and according to Cicero s own declara- 
tion, among the enemies of Home, was second to none 
but Hannibal. He was defeated by Pompey, on the 
plains of Pharsalia ; where it is remarkable that the fate 
of Europe and Asia has been decided three times, by 
three great and memorable battles ; by Pompey and Mith- 
ridates — Pompey and Caesar — Tamerlane and Bajazet. 
Although Pompey triumphed over Mithridates, yet the 
Parthians survived, and were powerful even in the reign 
of Augustus. The Parthian kings of the dynasty of Ar- 
saces, were still powerful when the Romans began to 
decline. While the wretched and effeminate Helioga- 
balus reigned in Rome, about 223 years after Christ, 
Artabanes, the thirty-second king of the Arsacidae, was 
deposed by Artaxerxes, in whom it is said the ancient 
Persian monarchy was restored. The Persians, properly 
speaking, then flourished ; having like a phoenix, risen 
from the ashes of the ancient empire: and the names of 
Sapor, Hormisdas, and Chosroes, make a figure in his- 
tory, and were famous in their times, whilst the Roman 
empire was in its decline, and after its overthrow by the 
Goths and Vandals. The dynasty of Artaxerxes flour- 
ished about 400 years, under twenty. live kings, until J< 
degirdes, in the year of Christ 63S, was deposed and 
i by the followers of Mahomet. They held the go- 
nt of that country, till conquered by Panic rlane, 
n of Tartary, in 1396. Since that time ihe 
IV n ■ had various masters, and ry bad 

ones, and have undergone numerous revolutions. We 
have seen little of the Persian history during the middle 
ages. II we ran learn they must have fared b< 

ter than the Roman empire ; and if we except China, no 



ANCIENT GREECE. 65 

nation has stood its ground through all ages better than 
Persia. 

The Persians probably experienced their ultimate 
point of depression before the christian era; they cer- 
tainly were powerful when Rome fell, and, though con- 
quered by Mahomet's followers, and by Tamerlane, they 
have been able to resist some of the most powerful and 
warlike nations of modern times, the Turks and Russians 



CHAPTER X. 

ANCIENT GREECE, FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE 
LEGISLATION OP LYCURGUS. 

TO unite perspicuity with brevity, in drawing the great 
line of Grecian history will be difficult ; especially if we 
regard separately the states and colonies — the traditional 
history of each — their high antiquity — their various alli- 
ances, wars and revolutions. The history of this won- 
derful people is better known than that of those who went 
before them, and is surely of much greater importance. 
To their surprising genius the world is indebted, in a 
measure, for the knowledge of the arts and sciences. In 
architecture, sculpture, poetry, and oratory, and in the 
arts and sciences necessary to the perfection of those 
branches, they stand unrivalled. We may say of Mi em, 
they invented, improved, and perfected. They so far 
perfected, that they have uever been excelled. 

The territories of ancient Greece seem to have possess- 
ed every advantage which situation, soil and climate, 
can give a nation. Comprehending what is now called 
Turkey in Europe, they were skirted northwardly by 
German and Scythian nations ; eastwardly lay the Black 
Sea, the straits of Bosphorus, the Hellespont, and the 
Archipelago ; southwardly their country was washed by 
the Mediterranean, and west by the Adriatic or Gulph 
of Venice. A narrow sea separated them eastwardly 
from the shores of Lesser Asia, where Troy once flour- 
ished ; which, together with many rich provinces, be- 
came Grecian colonies. Their climate, which was an- 
ciently somewhat more cool than it is now, was salubri-" 

T 



*0 ANCIENT GHEE4 

on*, then skj generally serene, their air puns ami their 
soil fruitful. Their lofty mountains and rugged hills — 
tin* variety in the lace of their country — the abundance 
and purity of their springs and rivulets, and all in a cli- 
and soil so line and genial, formed an immense va- 
of wild and charming prospects, in which sublimity 
and beauty were united. 

No country was ever better calculated to promote and 
reward industry — to foster genius — to lire imagination, 
or to rouse the mind to exertion. The proximity of seas, 
and a variety of excellent harbors, early prompted the 
Greeks to a spirit of naval enterprise, and enabled them 
to realize the benefits of extensive commerce, wealth, 
knowledge, and politen* 

The country of ancient Greece was inhabited more 
than eighteen centuries before the christian era : but for 
a thousand years of that period its history is not only tra- 
ditional hut fabulous, and for the most part utterly incre- 
dible. The Grecian fables and traditions, brought down 
from the heroic age, far excel every thing ot the kind. No- 
thing indeed ean be more absurd, false and ridiculous, 
than most of them are ; yet the glowing imagination of the 
Greeks has rendered them an interesting part of Gre- 
cian literature to the classical scholar. Rut as the re- 
lation of them would not consist with the brevity of this 
work, so neither would it increase its utility. Indeed, 
as this historical sketch is designed to follow the course 
of empire, our work would hardly strike into the history 
of Greece till near the conquest of Persia by Alexander. 

The commonwealth of Athens, so renowned for mili- 
tary achievments, and so illustrious for improvement in 
the liberal arts and sciences, was founded by Cecrops, 
1430 years before Christ. About the same time, Cad- 
the Pbeeuieian, introduced alphabetic writing 
into : and founded Thebes in Bceotia, Uanau6 

also founded Argos; and Pelops, a Phrygian, whose 
descendants, intermarrying with those of Tyndarua, king 

icleljr in their opinions c ig the time 

when < hed. Some make it upwards n centuries 

i better than fourteen. Dr. Priestly, afier New- 

i one fourth. I hare followed 

rf:vai!i:i£ Tn€ probability is that the exact 

time ij ool knu 



ANCIENT GREECE. 6? 

of Lacedemon or Sparta, acquired to that family the 
ascendency for many centuries, in the peninsula of 
Greece. Cecrops and Danans were emigrants from 
Egypt; Cadmus was from Phoenicia, and Pelops from 
Phrygia — so that the four most ancient and powerful 
cities of Greece, viz. Athens, Sparta, Thebes, and Ar- 
gos, were founded and for a long time governed by dy- 
nasties of foreign princes. Their names, exploits, and 
misfortunes, are immortalized by the sublime genius of 
Homer. Not far from this period Deucalion reigned in 
Thessaly. From the name of his son Hellen, a consid- 
erable portion of the ancient Greeks were called Hel- 
lenes; and, from Dorus, Eolus, and Ion, 'some of bis 
more remote descendants, they were distinguished into 
Dorians, Eolians, and Tonians. 

Before the arrival of Cecrops, Danaus, Cadmus, and 
other adventurers in Greece, its inhabitants were savage, 
barbarous, and unconnected ; living entirely in a state of 
nature, without laws, civilization, or any forms of social 
order. But those enterprising chiefs, coming from more 
enlightened regions, and bringing with them the first ru- 
diments of science, were able, by policy or by arms, to 
establish their authority among those rude tribes and sa- 
vage clans. They collected them together, built cities, 
and founded many useful institutions, tending to amelior- 
ate their barbarous state. But if these adventurers found 
it difficult to reduce those tribes into a well regulated 
state of society under the mild influence of laws, it was 
•till more difficult to defend them from the incursions of 
the more wild and ferocious tribes bordering upon them. 
They were fierce and warlike ; knew little of agriculture; 
roved from place to place, and subsisted by rapine and 
plunder. 

Two circumstances in those times greatly quick <\ied 
the progress of the Greeks in various useful arts — the 
discovery of the use of iron, and the extension of the 
knowledge of alphabetic writing. The former e;. bled 
them to construct instruments of agriculture and com- 
merce, and the latter to diffuse and improve the general 
means of knowledge. Yet the advantages arising from 
alphabetic writing were far less rapid in those times than 
one would imagine, since, according to Herodotus, a sys- 
tem of written laws was not promulgated in Greece till 



r»8 

about the sixth century before the christian era — a cir- 
cumstance truly surprising, considering the progress of 
the Greeks in the science of government, at a much ear- 
lier period, and the strength and quickness of their inven- 
tive powers. 

The ancient Greeks have the honor of exhibiting to 
the world the first example of a political confederation, 
founded in reason, and matured upon principles whose 
strength and excellence gave permanency to the institution, 
as well as to the several states and governments existing 
under its influence. The country of Thessaly had been 
governed by Deucalion: and hie descendants, as already 
noticed, founded the Dorians, Kolians, and lonians. 
This country lay far north of the Hellenetie tribes, and 
was continually exposed to the incursions of the warlike 
savages on their borders. To provide more eilectual 
means of defence against these dangerous irruptions, the 
leaders of several tribes or states entered into a confed- 
eracy for mutual defence. Their place of meeting, which 
was semi-annual, was at Thermopylae, a place rendered 
ever famous by the unparalleled bravery of Leonidas. 
The king of Thermopylae at that time was Amphictyou : 
hence they were called the Amphictyonic council. This 
combination, while it did not interfere essentially with 
the independence of the several states, served as a grand 
political centre, combining the energies, uniting the po- 
licy, and harmonizing the movements of the whole. By 
means of this, the Greeks were at length formed into 
one grand confederated republic; for, although it origi- 
nated without the peninsula, by modern geographers 
called the Morea, its advantages were soon perceived, 
and the central states of Peloponnesus, the Spartans 
and Argivcs, became members of it, and by the middle 
of the fourteenth century before Christ, most of the states 
of Greece followed their example. 

The members of the Amphictyonic league, for a con- 
siderable time, were fully employed in regulating their 
own governments, and repelling the invasions of their 
le neighbor*. Hut at length the re id active 

arlike people began to extend its views to 
conquest, and its desires were expanded with a thirst of 
glory. About i 260 years before Christ, took place the 
rated expedition of the Argonauts, headed by Jason, 



AXCIENT GREECE. 0«) 

a Thessalian chieftain, and by the fathers of the cele- 
brated warriors who shone in the siege of Troy. But, 
passing over this, as also over the exploits of Theseus 
and other warriors of that heroic age, we shall, to gratify 
the taste of the juvenile reader, be a little more particu- 
lar in relating some of the leading circumstances of the 
Trojan war. 

Previously to the commencement of this war the 
Greeks had made considerable progress in the arts, both 
of war and peace. Their savage mannors were soften- 
ed — their internal policy was regulated by the maxims 
of justice : in their manners, customs, and religion, they 
were similar ; and their united councils gave wisdom, 
energy, and dispatch to their movements. Seven inde- 
pendent states occupied at this time the peninsula of 
Greece, although it was but 200 miles long, and 140 in 
breadth. These were Messenia, Elis, Arcadia, Corinth, 
Achaia, Argos, and the powerful kingdom of Sparta. 
The Grecian territories without the peninsula, were more 
extensive, being 260 miles from east to west, and i50 
from north to south— comprehending Thessaly, Attica, 
iEtolia, and sundry other provinces. 

The kingdom of Troy lay on the eastern shores of the 
Hellespont, the southern coast of the Propontis, and in 
general the territories of the lesser Phrygia. The Tro- 
jans were of Grecian extraction. Their empire was 
founded by Dardanus, about 200 years before this pe- 
riod : hence, they were called Dardans, and their coun- 
try Dardania. Ericthonius, the son of Dardanus, was 
succeeded by Tros ; hence, they were called Trojans. 
The son of Tros was Ilus, from whom Troy was named 
Ilion. Ilus was succeeded by Laomedon, and he by 
his son Priam. Priam, after a long and prosperous 
reign, was destined to see the ruin of his kingdom, the 
extirpation of his race, and to fall by the victorious 
sword of the Greeks. 

It is generally agreed that a hereditary enmity had sub- 
sisted between the Greeks and Trojans. Paris, the son 
of Priam, the most beautiful man of his time, having been 
allured by the fame of Helen, the queen of Sparta, went 
over into Greece, and visited the Spartan court. Helen 
is celebrated by the poets as possessing every personal 
charm in its highest perfection, and as the most perfect 



?0 ANCIKNT CREECE. 

beauty of ancient times. Her susceptible heart was too 

•»i I v captivated by the artful address and polished man- 
ners of the perfidious Paris. She listened to his insin- 
uations, and lost to a sense of honor and duty, she made 
hei with him, and took refuge amidst tin; towers 

of Troy. The king of Sparta, stm^ with the treachery 
of his heauteous queen, whom he adored, and enraged at 
the nd perfidy of the Trojan prinee, to whom 

he had shown all the rites of hospitality, loudly com- 
plained of the injury, and appealed to the justice of his 
Countrymen. His brother Agamemnon, the most power- 
ful prince of Greece, seconded his complaints, and used 
his influence and authority to rouse the resentment of the 
whole extensive confederation. Me succeeded : for the 
princes and people of Greece, no less wounded in their 
pride than stung with a sense of the atrocious villainy, 
determined to extinguish the flames of their resentment 
in the blood of Priam, aud his people, who, refused to 
restore the illustrious fugitive. 

We shall not detail the particulars of this war. Those 
for whom this work is designed will find them at length 
in their proper place, in a course of reading. It shall 
suffice to say that a powerful army was sent to wage war 
with the Trojans; but the enterprise was found to be at- 
tended with unforeseen difficulties. The Trojans were 
a brave and gallant people — of considerable resources, 
and very great courage. Hector, the son of Priam, equal- 
led only by Achilles, commanded the Trojans, and of- 
ten disputed the field of victory, with invincible bra- 
very, and various success : and when, after the death of 
Hector, the Trojans could no longer keep the field, the 
city of Troy was defended by lofty towers and impreg- 
nable walls. 

Homer is the chief and almost the only authority on 
the Trojan war, which, if it ever existed, would'have been 
lost in oblivion, but for his pen. Among other things in 
praise of Homer, strength and sublimity of genius must 
certainly be ranked : but amiablcncss of character cannot 
be reckoned, nor yet the fair impartial openness of the 
historian. His partiality is often so glaring, as to in- 
volve him in gn surdities. While he seems impa- 
tient and loath to allow the Trojans any military merit. 

I i* ever disposed to accuse them of meanness and thv 



ANCIENT GREECE. 71 

basest cowardice, yet lie envois tbe Grecian heroes with 
gods, because they could conquer them. The honor of 
the conqueror is commonly measured by the greatness 
and potency of the enemy he conquers. Homer certainly 
loses sight of this principle, and especially in the charac- 
ter of Hector, who, in bis last encounter with Achilles, 
is compelled by the merciless partiality of the poet, to 
act a more pitiful cowardly part than we should have 
reason to look for in the conduct of the meanest soldier 
in a modern army. Instead of fighting Achilles like a 
man, he is made to turn on his heels and run in a cow- 
ardly manner. Tbe mighty Trojan at length run down, 
like a sheep pursued by a wolf, is quietly butchered. 
Now the meanest scullion in the late army of Mack, 
would not have shewed himself so great a dastard. 

The fortune of Greece prevailed ; not however by 
arms, but by stratagem. The Greeks, worn out by a war 
of ten years, determined to risk their hopes on one des- 
perate effort, which, if successful, would end the war in 
victory — if not, would exterminate all hope of conquest, 
for the present, if not forever. They made preparations 
for returning home — embarked in their ships, and set 
sail : but they left near the city a wooden horse, con- 
structed of vast size, in which was enclosed a band of 
their bravest heroes. This image they pretended as an 
offering to the goddess Minerva, to be placed in the Tro- 
jan citadel. To give effect to this stratagem, Sinon is 
dispatched over to the Trojans, with an artful and ficti- 
tious story, pretending he had made his escape from the 
Greeks. The superstition of the times gave them com- 
plete success. The whim struck the Trojans favorably : 
they laid open their walls, aud, by various means, drag- 
ged the baneful monster, pregnant with destruction, into 
the city. 

That night was spent in festivity through Troy. Every 
guard was withdrawn; all threw aside their arms; and, 
dissolved in wine, amusement, pleasure, and repose, gave 
full effect to the hazardous enterprise of the hardy Greeks* 
The fleet, in the night time, drew back to the shore : the 
men landed and approached the city : the heroes in the 
wooden horse sallied forth — killed what few they met — 
opened the tity-gates, and the Greeks entered. The 
might, which was begun in feasting and carousal, ended 



in conflagration and blood. The various parte of this 
daring i>lan. liable t «» great uncertainties and embarrass 
incuts, were concentrated and made effectual by the 
rial of a torch shown from a conspicuous tower by Helen 
herself, the perfidious beauty who had caused the war. 

This story, as to its leading parts, is probably founded 
in fact: whether it is so or not. it does the highest honor 
to the genius of the poet by whom it is related, if tre 
invented, if fabulous. 

Never was national vengeance more exemplary, w 
ruin more complete. The destruction of Troy took place 
1184 years before the christian era. This fall of the 
Trojan empire was final: independence and sovereignty 
never returned to those delightful shores : nor has that 
country since made any figure in history. It continued 
to be possessed and colonized by the Greeks while they 
flourished, and follow ed the fortunes and revolutions of 
the great empires. 

If the charms of Helen proved the destruction of Ti 
yet the Greeks themselves, though they were able to pun- 
ish her seducer, had little reason to boast of their con> 
quest, or glory in their revenge. On their return their 
fleets were dispersed, and many of their ships w recked 
on dangerous coasts. Some of them wandered through 
long voyages, and settled in foreign parts : some became 
pirates, and infested the seas with formidable depreda- 
tions : a few, and but a few of them returned to their 
homes, where fortunes equally disastrous followed them. 
Their absence, for a course of years, had quite altered 
the scene of things ; as it had opened the way to conspi- 
racies, usurpations, and exterminating revolutions. Their 
vacaut thrones had been tilled by usurpers, and their do- 
minions, left defenceless, had fallen a prey to every rapa- 
cious plunderer. The states of Greece, which, fl 
beginning of the Trojan war, were rising fast to pre*. 
perity, power and happiness, were overwhelmed 
calamities, and seemed returning rapidly u e bar- 

barity. 

The institution of the Olympic games— their nature 
and important influence on society, together with the cha- 
rade . ami institutions of Lycurgns, next meet the 
eye in tracing tin great line of Grecian Wstory. Hut 
tbese eve ">t "» tlie region of uncertain- 



ANCIENT GREECE. 7$ 

ty, where real historical light holds a doubtful reign with 
fable and fiction, to merit an extended place in these 
sketches ; and, were they differently situated, they would 
lead us into details far too minute and extensive for a 
work of this nature. 

Not to seem, however, utterly to neglect a matter so 
extensive in its influence, and so lasting in its conse- 
quences to Greece as the legislation of Lycurgus, we 
shall close this chapter with a general view of the cha- 
racter and institutions of that great man. 

We have already seen the deplorable state of Greece 
after the Trojan war. It will be proper to remark here, 
that the tumults, revolutions, and calamitous events oi 
those times, no less encouraged the savage enterprises of 
banditti, robbers, and pirates, than they roused the ge- 
nius and talents of men of great and virtuous minds. In 
the midst of these convulsions, the Delphian Oracle had 
ordered a general armistice, and that certain games 
should be revived, or more properly formed into a regu- 
lar and permanent institution. The lively and flexible 
genius of the Greeks, ambitious, fond of amusement — of 
competition — of pomp and glory, was animated with the 
proposal ; all thoughts of hostility were immediately laid 
aside in the general preparation for this splendid festi- 
val, which was to last five days, and to be begun and 
ended in the worship of Olympian Jove. The most im- 
portant of the Olympic games were wrestling, boxings 
pancratium, coit, foot race, horse race, and chariot race. 
Of these, the pancratium, which united boxing and wrest- 
liug, was the most dangerous and terrible, and the cha- 
riot race, by far the most honorable of all. Iphitus, 
prince of Elis, seconded by the countenance and advice 
of Lycurgus, the Spartan lawgiver, was the second 
founder of this noble institution. A large and beautiful 
plain near Olympia, in the Peloponnesus, was chosen 
for the purpose. Here a gymnasium was erected, and 
all the plain was adorned with gardens, porticoes^ 
columns, and arches, to render the scene as delightful 
and grand as possible. In a word, these games were 
frequented by an assemblage of nations ; and to be a con- 
queror here, inflamed the ambition of mankind mors than 
the honors of war or government 



* - i QRKK< 

Lyc moved by the miseries of his countryu 

and induced to hope from his knowledge of their 

genius and character, formed the grand design of reduc- 
ing them to order under a new form :if government, and 
a new code of laws; the objects of which seem to have 
been to promote civil liberty and justice, public and per- 
sonal safely, and military glor; 

After regulating the various powers of government in 
reference to those important objects, he proceeded to in- 
troduce an agrarian law, causing an equal division of 
lands among the people. He abolished the currency of 
gold aud silver, and allowed no money to be used but 
iron. He prohibited every article of luxury — greatly 
improved the Spartan soldiery and mode of fighting, and 
raised the Spartan commonwealth to the highest emi- 
nence of military fame. But the spirit of hi . aud 
maxims of his government, resembled mine the severity 
of military discipline, than the mild and gentle wisdom 
of civil policy; and, allowing them their utmost merit* 
they tended rather to convert a being of tender sensibi- 
lities and tine and noble affections, into a cold, unlovely 
machine of reason, apathy, and stern justice. But the 
Greeks, in those times, would have rejected a plan di- 
vested of all the errors to be found in that of Lycurgus. 
It is impossible to civilize a nation at once : and indeed, 
the laws of Lycurgus, considering the time when they 
were formed, and the effects they produced on society, 
can be regarded in no other light than as an astonishing 
display of wisdom, energy, and virtue. 



CHAPTER XI. 

).M THE LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS 
TILL. Till: ISSUE OFTHE PERSIAN [> 

WHOEVER surveys the Grecian hi will im- 

inediatel) pe iie inequality of tin of which 

ud confederacy was cor of them 

"I powerful — others id perpe- 

: posed to injustice and insult from their haughty 

Th ; Lacedemoniau 



ANCIENT GREECE. Jffl 

aus, and at last the Thebans, were at the head of the 
confederacy — directed their councils — led their armies : 
often drew thein into wars — indeed conquered and ensla- 
ved some of them, and perpetually aimed at directiug the 
helm in all public concerns. 

Ambition is natural to man ; nor does it ever appear 
more evident, or more odious, than in the conduct of the 
popular leaders of democratic confederacies : they cher- 
ish what they disclaim, and are, in all respects, whai 
they would be thought not to be. The artful demagogue 
has substantial reasons for preferring democracy to mon- 
archy. In the latter he lias no hopes : in the former ex 
perience suggests to him that the more noisy he is for 
liberty, the more certainly he shall enjoy all the sweets 
of power : and he well knows, the more he flatters his 
blind devotees, the more certainly will they suffer their 
eyes to be closely veiled, and the more implicitly will 
they obey his mandates. 

Among the ancient histories, none are so important, or 
contain such useful instruction, as that of Greece. There 
the ambition, the haughtiness, the injustice of large 
states, and the inconveniencies, depressions, and final 
subjugation of small ones, afford a solemn warning to 
our own free and happy country. In the present chap- 
ter we shall take a brief survey of the Grecian history, 
from the times of Lycurgus till the defeat of the Persians 
at the battle of Plataea, and the issue of the Persian in- 
vasion. 

Neither the benign influence of the Olympic games — 
of the laws of Lycurgus, nor the Amphictyonic council, 
could preserve them from the rage of civil war. The 
power and ambition of the Lacedemonians soon drew 
on them the jealousy of their sister states. A quarrel 
breaking out between them and the Messenians, a rich 
and populous province, lying on the western shores of 
the Peloponnesus, a long and desolating war ensued. 
Both parties were exasperated by a series of injuries ; 
and it became at length, on both sides, a war of passion 
as well as interest, and of extermination as well as con- 
quest. The Lacedemonians fought for interest, revenge 
and glory ; the Messenians, over and above all these, had 
still more powerful motives — they fought for indepen- 
dence, life and fortune. 






? 

Though fortune seemed early to incline tu the Spar* 
an c itise, as they were evidently an overmatch lor their 
iHvi ye1 no advantage was gained but by the 

est efforts, nor maintained but by the utmost vigi- 
lance. The ground was always disputed with the tier- 
ces! conflict, and every victory uas dearly bought At 
length, bowever, overpowered by the steady vigor and 
discipline of the Spartan armies, they were driven from 
be field, and besieged in their capital. Ithome, which, 
after a brave resistance, was forced by famine to surren- 
der. 

The wretched Messenians, who escaped the sword, went 
uito voluntary exile, or became slaves ; and their valu- 
able territories were quietly possessed by their haughty 
conquerors. The Lacedemonians having now glutted 
their vengeance, and enriched their treasures by the 
spoils of a sister state, enjoyed repose for thirty yea 

How difficult it is to conquer a nation of freemen ! to 
repress the energies, and crush the spirit of a people de- 
termined to be free. After groaning in servitude, and 
feeling the iron grasp of oppression thirty years, the 
Messenians revolted, shook off the yoke, and were able 
to maintain a war still more formidable, and by far more 
doubtful and threatening on the side of Sparta. They 
bad previously drawn into their alliance the Argivcs 
and Arcadians, who promised them the most effectual 
aid they could give. 

They were commanded by Aristomencs, a general 
whose wisdom aud temperance could only be equalled 
V, his intrepid bravery. But we cannot descend to par- 
ticnlars, The dispute was long and bloody — seeming 
often to threaten the existence of the Spartan common- 
wealth : but fortune at last declared a second time against 
the unhappy Messenians. The steady discipline and 
invincible courage, and great resources of Lacedemon 
prevailed ; and the Messenians, borne down by inevita- 
ble destiny, forsook the field, dispersed, abandoned their 
ancient abodes, and sought refuge in foreign countries, 
where a brave and enterprising spirit obtained for many 
of them an honorable settlement. Their brave and gen- 
erous leader, Aristomenes, after a course of adventures, 
ended his life at Sardis. "Other generals," says Dr. 
Gillies, "have defended their country with better sue- 



ANCIENT GREECE. 77 

. but none with greater glory ; other characters are 
more fully delineated in ancient history, but none are 
more deserving of immortal fame." The conquest of 
Messenia, by the Spartans, took place about 67O years 
before the christian era. 

From this period to the defeat of Croesus, king of 
Lydia, by Cyrus, as related in a former chapter, compre- 
hending about one hundred and twenty years, a series of 
events arose, of high importance to the Greeks ; and in 
which vast accessions of light are thrown over the histo- 
ries of Europe and Asia. During this period the Assyrian 
monarchy became extinct — the Persian arose to the em- 
pire of Asia, and the Jewish monarchy having been over- 
thrown, had experienced a depression and captiviiy of 
70 years. 

The forms of government in Greece had, some time 
previously to this, been changed, and their monarchies, 
or rather tyrannies, had given place to democratical re- 
publics. The human mind, seemingly slow in the pro- 
gress of discovery, yet rapid in the improvement of dis- 
coveries, when made, or of hints leading to them, seemed, 
first among the Greeks, and not far from this period, to 
acquire just views of its own natural and inherent rights. 
As men are nearly of equal size and strength of body — - 
as there is a general similarity in their mental endow- 
ments — as they are actuated by like desires and aver- 
sions, pains and pleasures, so they are naturally entit 
led to equal rights, privileges and enjoyments. 

The consideration that the monarch's power exists 
only by the consent of his subjects, induced the Greeks, 
when they saw that power abused, to withdraw from it 
their support. Pursuing the same course of thinking, 
they were able, at last, to project various forms of go- 
vernment, resembling each other as to the origin, the dis- 
tribution, and the end of supreme power. As they saw 
clearly that all power, in its first principles, was in the 
people, and that it should only be exercised for the good 
of the community, they contrived to distribute it among 
various persons, who should act by delegation, as sei ■- 
vants of the public, and who should be responsible to the 
public for their conduct. This may be called a govern 
ment of checks. 



7* ANCIENT n 

The will's carried on during this period by the suites of 
Greece, can by no means have a place in this compend : 
for although the ambitious, restless, and enterprising 
Greeks were continually agitated by feuds and quarrels, 
arising from their schemes of aggrandizement, both in the 
grand council of Amphictyons and in the several states, 
(hey were engaged in no wars of considerable mo- 
ment. Tin <l war (so called) became interesting 
and impoi: it gave rise to tile establishment of the 
famous Pythian gam 

The commonwealth of Crissa, a small state, lay near 
the famous temple and oracle of Delphi. Although that 
oracle was highly venerated by all Greece, and many 
other nations, yet the Crisseans, allured by the immense 
treasures deposited there, as offerings to the god of wis- 
dom, fell upon, took and plundered that sacred place. 
A thrill of horror spread through all Greece, together 
with the strongest emotions of auger, grief, indignation, 
and revenge. The promiscuous blood of age and inno- 
cence, and the violation of humanity, honor and modesty 
were forgotten in the enormous and dreadful guilt of se 
3;reat a sacrilege. 

To the Amphictyonic council it belonged to prescribe 
what measures should be taken to punish this unparal- 
leled outrage. Yet such were the dissentions, the poll 
tical interests, and more probably the corrupting power 
of gold, that that venerable body were at much difficulty 
before they could resolve on proper measures. 

At length, however, they were roused by the elo- 
nce and authority of Solon, one of the Athenian repre- 
to punish this crime against religion and man- 
kind. ]Jut indecision in their councils, rendered their 
>\v; nor was it till after considerable time 
is spent, that the Crisseans were besieged in their cap- 
id ultimately destroyed: their cities demolished, 
and tl 11 condemned to perpetual sterility. 

Ic to the gods for the fortunate issue of the 

ouncil of Amphictyons in- 

Pythian ga hich were celebrated with 

and splendor kittle inferior to the Olympic. The 

of this war, and the institution of those eele- 

took place about 590 years before Christ, 

v seventh Olympiad, and 



ANCIENT GREECE. 71) 

about three years before the destruction of Jerusalem by 
Nebuchadnezzar. 

We are now drawing near to that period in which 
Greece enjoyed the meridian of her glory. The wisdom 
of her councils formed a powerful confederacy, equal in 
strength to the greatest empires, yet being divided into 
small, independent governments, the lawless ambition of 
individuals found less room for action, while personal 
virtue and enterprise were more secure of a due reward. 
Greece having passed through a long and dubious infan- 
cy, began now to feel the vigorous bloom of youth ; t» 
display a determined character, and to assume that com 
manding attitude which never fails to excite confidence, 
veneration, and respect. 

We have already noticed the soil, climate, and gene- 
ral features of that country, which was to cherish the 
first of the ancient nations. No subject is more wrapt in 
darkness than the origin of the ancient languages : yet it 
will scarcely be allowed to be conjecture, when we as* 
sert that the Greek language, from its earliest stages, 
seems to have been the most perfect which nature ever 
formed, or divine wisdom ever inspired. Its copious- 
ness and strength were no less adapted to the boldest 
eloquence, than its variegated and harmonious tones to 
every species of poetry. In no language was the grave 
and dignified style of history and moral sentiment, the 
native spirit and life of drama, or the wit and pungency 
of satire, ever better supported. 

All the natural advantages of the Greeks seem to have 
been calculated to extend the mind, to strengthen all its 
faculties, and especially to elevate and embolden the 
imagination. The country was well formed to yield an 
easy subsistence to its inhabitants — their government to 
cherish genius, and their language was that of poetry and 
eratory. 

Soon after the institution of the Pythian games, the 
genius of Greece began to display its power, and shoot 
forth all its beauties. The works of the immortal Homer 
had been read and admired : indeed they had marked 
their path with light ; enkindling at once the hero, the 
lover, the philosopher, and the legislator, wherever they 
came. But now appeared in succession, Archilochus. 
Terpander, Sappho. Siraonides, Alcarns. Stersichoras. 



Inacreou, and Pindar; and many others whoso names 
and eulogy might fill a volume. Their variegated strains 
unfolded every form of genius — wandered through e 
field of fancy — extracted sweetness from every blossom 
of nature, and adapted their harmonious numbers to every 
tone of melody, from the thunders of the warlike muse, 
to the melting accents of the lyre. 

Astonishing were the effects produced by the comhiued 
influence of so many happy causes. The arts and si i 
ences, and whatever might he expected to arise from the 
best intell kual culture, now began to flourish in manly 
maturity. IVrhaps what we ascribe to superior strength 
of mind in the ancients, was rather the eftect of their 
amazing industry, and the energy and ardor with which 
(hey pursued the objects of knowledge. The moderns, 
compared with them in this respect, have cause to blush 
at their own indolence. The Greeks, however, invent- 
ed, improved, and perfected ; and that especially in those 
walks of science were strength and sublimity of mind are 
most needful. As a proof of this, we need only mention 
the names of Homer, Demosthenes, Alexander, Solon, 
Pythagoras, Miltiades, Praxiteles, and Phidias : we men- 
tion them not in the order of time. 

In a former chapter we have given a sketch of the 
Lydian monarchy, founded by Candaules, and ended in 
the conquest of Croesus, by Cyrus, king of Persia. Al- 
though the Lydians were a nation given to dissipation 
and the most voluptuous pleasures, yet they were, at this 
period, brave, enterprising and warlike ; and now, com- 
manded by Croesus, a prince highly renowned for mili- 
tary and civil accomplishments. The Greeks of Asia, 
if not in Europe also, must soon have experienced incon- 
venience from the growing power of Croesus, whose con- 
quests, power, and splendor, far eclipsed those of his 
predecessors. But a much more terrible power was pre- 
paring by providence to extinguish forever the light of 
I and to change the whole face of things in Wes- 

tern Asia. We have already spoken of Cyrus : in this 
it shall suffice to say that his interference forever 
delivered the Greeks from danger as to the Lydians, bui 
Ighbor in himself and s, much 



ANCIENT GREECE. 6 J 

priced of this, and were unwilling to make so disadvan 
tageous a change. 

While the storm of the Persian invasion was gather 
ing, Crocus had applied to the Greeks, and especially 
to the Lacedemonians, for aid. Willing that the powers 
of Asia should check and balance each other, they were 
determined with their utmost efforts to prop his falling 
throne. But the celerity of Cyrus defeated their inten 
tions ; for before their auxiliaries could arrive, the deci- 
sive blow was struck, and the kingdom of Croesus at an 
end. The aspect of things now seemed to promise that 
there should soon be collision of powers between the 
Greeks and Persians ; but it is highly probable that Cy 
rus was willing to decline an attempt to subjugate that 
hardy race; and especially as Greece presented far 
weaker allurements than the kingdom of Babylon, and 
the wealthy cities of Asia. 

After the conquest of Lydia, while Cyrus was niedi 
tating the subjugation of the Asiatic Greeks, he received 
an embassy from Sparta, faith a message eminently cha 
racteristic of that bold and intrepid people. The mes- 
senger, in a style truly laconic, told Cyrus, that if he 
committed hostilities against any of the Grecian cities, 
the Lacedemonian republic would know how to punish his 
injustice. It is said that Cyrus, astonished at the inso- 
lence of the message, demanded who the Lacedemonians 
were. This affected ignorance was rather designed to 
express his contempt than to gain information. He well 
knew who they were. When he was informed they 
were one of the states of the Grecian peninsula, he made 
a reply to the ambassadors, which contained a severe and 
just sarcasm upon their national character. He told 
them " that he should never fear men who had a square 
in the midst of their city, in which they met together to 
practice mutual falsehood and deception : and that if he 
continued to enjoy the blessings of health, he hoped to 
afford them more domestic reasons of complaint than his 
military preparations against the Greeks of Asia." 

The Greeks of Asia soon fell a prey to Harpagus, 
whom Cyrus left behind him, with a powerful army, to 
complete the conquest of these countries, while he him- 
self, now burning with ambition, directed bis inarch to 
wards Babylon. 

L 



\N'lii:n r GREECE. 

For a period of nearly forty years ensuing the tak 
of Sard, vdian capital, nothing will be noticed in 

the history of Greece. And here it will he proper to re- 
mark, that the commonwealth of Sparta, which, since the 
close of (he Messenian war, had holden the first place 
among the Grecian states, was now evidently falling be 
hind that of Athens, and that the latter was fast risn 
in wealth, learning, power and influence to the supremacy 
of Greece; an ascendency owing to her commercial en 
terpri 

The short and splendid reign of Cyrus, after the re 
duction of Babylon, seems to have been fully employed 
in settling the affairs of his extensive dominions. -Nor 
is it probable that in an empire of sueh extent, he had 
leisure, or much inclination to direct his attention to so 
inconsiderable an object a- the Peloponnesus. 11" 
Greeks, therefore, remained in a measure occupied m 
their own domestic concerns, till, in the reign of Darim 
Hystaspcs. an opportunity presented for the Asiatic colo 
.lies to throw oft* the Persian yoke. That monarch had 
determined on an invasion of the Scythians, a warlike 
race of people, whose first irruption into the countries of 
\>ia. took place in the reign of Cyaxares the first, as 
already noticed. Darius, meditating revenge for ancient. 
as well as recent injuries, at the head of 700,000 men. 
Traversed Asia Minor, crossed the Uosphorns of Thrace, 
and was presently seen on the banks of the Danube- 
Over that broad river he laid a bridge of boats, and en 
ring it, plunged with his immense army into the wilds 
of Europe. Haviug spent several months in fatiguing 
marches, vain pursuits, incessant labors, and continual 
:.larms, he found his army greatly impaired, their num- 
s diminished, and their spirits wasted. On his return. 
.led by mountains, forests, rivers and morasses, fly- 
ing parlies continually hung upon his rear, and formida 
ble hordes often throwing themselves in his way. thr< 
ened to cut off his retreat. The news of his disasti 
died the Danube, where he had posted strong guards 
defend the bridge he had thrown across that river 
several of the commanders stationed there advised to 
break up the bridge, and thereby prevent his return, that 
his ruin might be completed. Anion- the foremost of 
that measure, was Miltiades, the Athc 



ANCIENT GREECE. 83 

niau ; who considered this as an opportunity which ought 
not to be lost, of restoring; the Asiatic Greeks to their 
liberty; but the plan failing of success, Miltiades was 
compelled to seek safety in Athens, to escape the resent- 
ment of the Persian monarch. This celebrated advice of 
Miltiades, of which a particular account is given by Cor- 
nelius Nepos, was defeated by the counsel and authority 
of Hista'us, the Milesian, who thereby saved the life of 
Darius, and brought himself into great favor with thai 
prince. Darius, on his return to his own dominions, 
formed the design of punishing, not Miltiades alone, bur 
the Athenian commonwealth. 

The conquest of the states of Greece seems to have 
been a favorite object with the Persians, from the time 
of Cyrus. Their growing power — their independent 
spirit, and especially the lofty and commanding attitude 
they assumed and preserved, was wounding to the pride, 
and even alarming to the fears of the monarchs of Asia. 
But the short reign of Cyrus was employed in matters 
judged to be of greater moment. The arms of his son 
Cambyses, were carried in a different direction ; nor was 
it till the reign of Hystaspes, that an invasion was car- 
ried into effect. Darius returned from his invasion of 
Scythia covered with shame, and exasperated with dis- 
appointment. But finding himself reseated on his throne, 
he considered it as a matter equally dictated by revenge, 
interest and honor, that he should now chastise the 
Greeks, who, during his unfortunate expedition to Scy 
tliia, had shown but too clearly their pleasure in his dis- 
grace, and their readiness to co-operate in a plan for his 
destruction. 

Inflamed with resentment the Persian king therefore 
resolved to make the Athenian republic, now regarded 
as the head of Greece, the first object of his vengeance. 
He, therefore, after extensive preparations, considerable 
delays, and some discouraging disasters, fitted out a very 
great armament, the command of which he gave to Datie 
and Artaphernes, men eminently skilled in military com- 
mand. This mighty army contained the flower of his 
empire, and was conveyed in a fleet sufficient to shade 
the Grecian seas. 

The majestic armament, after hovering awhile among 
the islands of the Archipelago, at length, with solemn 



grandeur, slowly approached llio shores of Attic... The 
flower of the Persian army landed on -the plain of Mara 
Ibon, about ten miles from Athens; where they pitched 
their camp. In this interesting moment, destined to con- 
firm the glolry of Greece, and to rieva*.? the Athenians to 
immortal renown, that brave but small republic stood 
alone : by means of republican jealousy, superstition, and 
perhaps the paralizing shock of dubious expectation: 
vhatcver it might have been, 10.000 Athenians, and a 
few men from Platsea, appeared in the field, to cope, as 
it is allowed by all historians, with ten times their num- 
ber of chosen warriors. 

The Greeks, though few in number, were completely 
umed, and were generally men of strength, courage, and 
tried skill in the gymnastic exercises. The celebrated 
Vristides, who was present in this battle, and who had 
a right, as general, to share in the command, magnani- 
mously resigned bis right to Miltiades, as did all the 
other commanders of Athens. On the morning of the 
decisive day, Miltiades formed his line of battle with 
ihe utmost skill and foresight : the heroes of Athens (for 
such every man of them might be called) took the right, 
and those of Plataea the left wing of the line, which was 
formed on the side of a hill ; down which, when the sig- 
nal for onset was given, the Grecian army moved with 
order and rapidity. When they came within the reach 
of the Persian slings and arrows, they ran and closed 
\ ith the enemy with the most impetuous shock. 

The conflict was severe, but short : nothing conld re- 
sist the valor of the Greeks, or equal the celerity of their 
evolutions. The Persians were dismayed, broken, rout- 
ed and dispersed : they fled to their ships in the utmost 
consternation, leaving 6000 of their best troops dead on 
the field of battle. The loss of the Greeks was inconsi- 
derable. 

The death of Darius soon put a period to further pre- 
parations against Greece ; nor was the invasion renewed 
• ill the expiration of ten years. 

From this period Athens held unrivalled the ascen- 
dency in Greece; but even the cursory reader will not 
refuse a tear over the relentless fate of the brave and 
illustrious Miltiades : for soon after this, failing in an at- 
iempt against the isle of Paros. he was tried for bis life, 



AKCIUK f UKKLCL. $Q 

iiiied aa immense sum, and flung into prisou, where he 
expired with the wounds he had received in defending 
his country, lie gave liberty and empire to his country, 
for which they rewarded him with chains and a dungeon. 
Nor yet can we pronounce with certainty concerning the 
reasons the Athenians had to doubt his integrity, or to 
ect him of maintaining a clandestine correspondence 
with the court of Persia, especially when we remember 
the history of Sidney and Russell. Many men, whom 
nature has made brave and virtuous, will at length be- 
come intoxicated with power, blinded with self-interest. 
bewildered with dazzling theories, and liable to the 
deepest seduction. 

The Persians felt so severe a rebuke with sorrow, 
anger and indignation ; and a second invasion was resolv- 
ed on, as the only expedient to wipe away the disgrace 
of this signal defeat, which must otherwise remain inde- 
lible. The son and successor of Darius Hystaspes, was 
Xerxes, surnamed the Great. We have already spoken 
of his famous expedition into Greece, in our view of the 
history of Persia. There we particularly noticed the 
victory obtained over his fleet, by the policy and bravery 
of Themistocles, in the battle of Salamis ; aud of his pre- 
cipitate retreat to his own dominions : we also noticed 
the defeat of the army which he left under the command 
of Mardonius, in the great and memorable battle of Pla- 
ta?^, by the combined armies of the Greeks, under the 
command of Aristides and Pausauias. 

At Marathon, a single state of Greece had conquered 
the united armies of Persia: at Salamis, the Greeks had 
shewn their superiority by sea : and at Plataea, the com- 
1 forces of Greece had destroyed the most efficient 
force which could be drawn from the Persian empire, 
commanded by their ablest generals. The dispute which 
for ages had subsisted between the Greeks and Persians, 
was now decided; and it was well for the latter that the 
former were satisfied without pushing the demonstration 
further, by arguments still more unpleasant. 

The Persians, doubtless, meditated no more invasion- 
of Greece. The latter was left in the possession of unri- 
valled glory, and the former were compelled to set 
bounds to th s hemes of ambitiorr. 



\Mir\r GftEE< 

I j I |>art of Grecian history r<»nciucls the reader 

through a period of fiction, the part which we are now 
upon, opens to the mind a period of virtue, genius, merit 
;md lasting fame. They could boast of a Homer, whose 
amazing genius was able to construct an epic poem, not 
only th«' first, hut the noblest ever formed; a poem from 
which the mythologist, the legislator, the historian, the 
prince, the soldier, and even the geographer, could draw 
appropriate instructions; a poem whose form has ever 
since been regarded as an immutable rule and model of 
perfection : a poem which has tinged the whole current 
of poetry in all polite nations, and the lofty flights of 
whose muse have never been outsoared. They could 
boast of an Amphictyon, whose wise and comprehensive 
mind had originated the first political confederacy, to 
whose benign influence the prosperity and grandeur of 
Greece may be clearly traced ; and to which all free, 
deliberative, representative, legislative bodies do hom- 
age, as their grand parent. They could boast of a Ly- 
eurgus, whose powerful projecting mind could control 
the licentious savage witli laws, which, if not the most 
amiable and humane, yet displayed an energy almost 
more than mortal ; and which, if they did not produce 
the most happy, certainly produced the most masculine, 
determined, and brave society of men ever known. 

But if the institutions of Lycurgus were deficient in 
mildness and urbanity, they could boast of a Solon, who 
united in one system, and condensed into one body, the 
scattered rays of political wisdom and experience to be 
gleaned up from the wisest nations of his time : who 
mingled mercy with justice, and the sternest precepts of 
philosophy with the softer dictates of sensibility and 
compassion. 

In short, as we approach to the final issue of the Per- 

inrasiob, we are surprised at a group of great cha- 

■■ hich suddenly crowd the scene. Our minds are 

k with the lustre of their virtues and actions. Mil- 

. as a soldier and commander, avail 

ed him instead of a host, first comes forward : then Leoni- 

dventurous companions, whose souls appear 

bright flames of courage and love of glory : 

'hen Tbemistocles, whose deep penetration enabled him 

wrd off approaching danger^ and as by 



ANCIENT GREECE. 87 

his foresight, so by his courage and conduct to be the 
saviour of his country. But their names and due praises 
would fill a volume. So far are we from being able to do 
them justice, that we hope only to awaken in the reader 
a desire to trace them at large in the pages of ancient 
history. 



CHAPTER XII. 

ANCIENT GREECE, FROM THE PERSIAN INVASION TILL THE 
DEATH OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 

IN the preceding view of the history of Greece, the 
reader will perceive that little mention is made of any of 
the states except Lacedemon and Athens. For this omis- 
sion two reasons are to be assigned — first, the brevity of 
this work requires that but few things be noticed, as we 
pass through a field of such extent ; and secondly, the 
other states, whether in the Peloponnesus, or out — whe- 
ther in Europe or Asia, were generally animated by the 
same views and motives — governed by the same politics^ 
and followed by the same fortunes. 

Greece had now acquired the summit of her glory and 
happiness : but still she continued to exhibit unquestion- 
able proofs that no community can either boast of unsul- 
lied virtue, or can enjoy unmingled happiness. Many of 
those great men whose talents and virtues raised their 
country to its present greatness, either by their own vices, 
or the ingratitude and envy of their countrymen, were 
doomed to experience the most painful reverse of fortune, 
Disgraced by their country, they descended in poverty, 
sorrow, and infamy, to their graves ; leaving it for pos- 
terity to do justice to their memory. 

It will be remembered that Pausanias and Aristides 
commanded the Greeks at the celebrated battle of Plataea, 
where the Persians received their last defeat under Mar- 
donius. Pausanias afterwards, lost to all true sense of 
rectitude and honor, became a traitor, and suffered the 
punishment he deserved. His colleague, Aristides, though 
once banished upon suspicion, was recalled, and was 
able frilly to demonstrate his innocence : he lived to a 



8S \>.< 

^rcat njoying the highest honors oi' public c< 

(fence, and was suruamed Me just. But to no c 
mander did the Greeks owe more than to Thcmisioi les. 
Historians generally allow, that after the defeat of the 
Persian invasion, under Darius liystaspes, the Greeks 
were of opinion that there would never be another in- 
vasion. Themistocles assured them to the contrary : be 
clearly foresaw that what advantage bad been gained 
over the Persains, would rather rouse their resentment, 
and stimulate their ambition, than break their spirit. He 
said) therefore, that .the battle Of Marathon was but a pre- 
lude to a more glorious contest: and by his counsel aud 
authority the Athenians were prevailed upon to forsake 
their city, which they could not have defended, and 
risk their fortune at sea. That was doubtless their 
salvation, as their naval skill far excelled that of the 
Persians : aud even when their fleets were drawn up in 
sight of each other, the policy of Themistocles brought 
on an engagement contrary to the wish of both fleets, and 
by thai means gave the victory to Greece which did in 
reality decide the fate of the war. 

To the superior genius of Themistocles, therefore. 
Greece was indebted for her liberties, aud her existence 
as a nation : and to the same the world is indebted for 
rving a nation who were the fathers of literature and 
government. But his services, however important to 
his country or to the world, could not save him. The 
Spartans regarded him with the most implacable hatred 
and malice. They implicated him as being concerned 
in the treason and treachery of Pausanias. They first 
procured his banishment, then his death. 

In a former chapter it has been said, that the great line 
of history(i. e. if we follow the course of empire) would 
ike into Greece till the era of Alexander: 
but this remark must be understood in i extreme- 

ly limited ; for at the close of the Persian invasion, and 
rwards, nothing remained with the Persians but 
Hie shadow of empire: for, being compelled to aeknow- 
• priority of the Greeks, both by se i and land. 
th«'\ ilHng t<> accept of peace on any terms. 

By a most vigorous system of war, ai Vulture. 

and commerce, the Grecian empire now spread in everj 

v»'n, from Syria f, » Mie Ro« 



ANCIENT GREECB. 89 

phorus of Thrace, owned her sovereignty, including all 
the adjacent islands: and on the shores of Europe, from 
Kpirus round the peninsula of Greece, and stretching to 
Macedon, Thrace, and the Euxine sea. 

Soon after the close of the Persian war. the Athenians 
rebuilt their city, which had been destroyed by Xerxes : 
or rather built it anew, and enclosed it with walls 
whose height and solidity rendered them impregnable to 
any common form of attack. They also built the fa- 
mous harbor called the Piraeus, which lay about five 
miles from the citadel of Athens. This harbor was large 
and couvenient for the whole Grecian uavv. Here a new 
city directly arose, nearly of equal size with Athens. 
This new city, the harbor, and the intermediate build- 
ings, were soon after, in the administration of Cimon, 
the son Miltiades, enclosed in walls of amazing strength, 
ending from the old city ; so that the enclosing walls 
of Athens were upwards of eighteen miles in length. 
Under the administration of Cimon. and Pericles, 
-e and various other public works were completed; 
hens now began to assume a form and aspect 
exceedingly magnificent and splendid. If Babylon, Xin- 
h, or Persepolis, covered a greater extent of ground ; 
if they contained structures of greater dimensions, still 
their real glory and magnificence boie no comparison to 
those superb structures to which Grecian architecture 
e birth: and their internal decorations, in comparison 
I] those of Athens, and of other Grecian cities, were 
the huge caverns and gloomy vaults formed by the 
hand of nature. Not far from this period the republic oi 
Elis built the celebrated temple of Olympian Jupiter — a 
work equalled in no subsequent age : and, to afford di^ 
sky to the young reader, we shall here give a brief de- 
scription of this famous temple, abridged from Dr. Gillies 
There had long subsisted a contest between the Eleans 
and Pisans. concerning the right of superintending the 
celebration of the Olympic games. This quarrel result 
cd in a war. in which the Pisans were conquered, and 
all their effects were appropriated to the building of a 
icmple to Jupiter, by whose assistance the Eleans were 

This temple was of the Doric order, built of stone 

i marble, and encircled with a superb 
M 



90 l GREECE, 

colonnade. Its dome was 60 feet in height, 90 broad, 
and 230 long, Lt was covered with a rare kind of mar 
ble. cut in the form of tiles. At each extreme of the roof 
stood a golden vase, and in the middle a golden victory; 

below which was a shield embossed with Medusa's head, 
of gold. On the pediment stood Pelops and Oenomaus. 
\y to begin the Olympic race in the presence of .Jupi- 
ter. Tliis vault was adorned with the battle of the Gen 
taurs and Lapithse. The labors of Hercules distinguish- 
ed the principal entrance. 

After passing the brazen gates you discover Iphitus, 
who. as we ha n, founded the Olympic games, 

. rowued by his spouse, Kchechiria : thence the way led 
through a noble portico, to the majestic creation of Phi- 
dias, the Athenian ; which formed the grand ornament of 
the temple, as well as of Greece. The god was sitting 
on a throne, and of such colossal stature that his head 
reached the i w i. f>0 feet in height. This mighty hna 
was composed of gold and ivory. In his leit hand was 
a burnished sceptre — in his right, an image of victory, 
and on his head an enamelled crown of laurel. His robes 
and sandals were variegated flowers and animals of gold. 
His throne was of ivory and ebony, inlaid with precious 
>toncs. The feet which supported it and the fillets which 
joined them, were adorned with innumerable iigui 
among which were the Theban children torn by sphinxes, 
and Apollo and Diana shooting the beautiful and once 
wishing family of Niobc. Upon the most conspicu- 
ous part of the throne :)\t statues, representing the 
exercises: and a beautiful Dgure resembling 
nng Pantarus, the favorite scholar of Phidias, who, in 
test of the boys, had lately won the Olympic prize. 
On the four pillars, which between the feet, sustained 
the tin one, were delineated the Hesperides, guarding 
Iden app :y effort sustaining 
. ith Herein '\ to assist him ; Sala- 
inine with naval ornaments in her hand, and Achilles 
supporting the beautiful expiring Penthesilea. 

Bui of this temple and statues were in 

scribable ; presenting at once to the eye, a scene of 

eiegao and majesty, \\ hieh no words can paint. 

were in Lber temples, if not equal in 

.11 Is in some respects, (viz,) thai 



ST GREECE.' JM 

of Ceres and Proserpine, at Eleusis, in Attica; of Piana 
at Ephesus: of Apollo, at Miletus, and of Jupiter, at 
Athens. 

During this period, the Greeks seemed to unite every 
thine; in their character and actions which was bold, en- 
terprising or great; but we cannot add, ivery thing thar 
was just, generous and humane. Many of their greatest 
men they banished ; some on real conviction, but more 
it is presumed on suspicion, from the base motives of 
jealousy and envy ; and the season of happiness and glo- 
ry for the Greeks scarcely arrived before it was forever 
past. They now began ts feel the corrupting influence 
of wealth, power and prosperity. > Luxuries, like an 
overwhelming flood, rolled in from every quarter: and 
the insolence of prosperity, and pride of empire, struck 
at the heart of public morals and virtue, and began se- 
cretly to undermine that power which had raised the 
Greeks to such an exalted height. 

The career of those great men we have just mentioned 
was scarcely past, w hen the administration of Pericles 
opened scenes more splendid, more flattening to the vani- 
ty, and more corrupting to the virtue of Athens, than any 
which had been before his day. Pericles was endowed 
with every accomplishment necessary to enable him 
to influence and to govern. The most persuasive, and 
commanding eloquence, added to the greatest personal 
attractions, and intellectual powers, rendered him the 
most extraordinary man of runtime. He was artful, 
bold, and magnificent. He was a friend to every thing 
great and elegant in the arts and sciences — a profess- 
ed republican, an accomplished courtier; capable of 
building cities — of commanding armies — of leading men's 
understanding by the force of his reasons, however fal- 
lacious, and of inflaming their passions by his oratory. 
it is said that he thundered when he spake. 

Ambition was his ruling principle ; his schemes, which 
were generally concerted with policy, and executed 
with success, tended uniformlv to sink down the states 
of Greece into one general mass, on which he might 
\, adorn and glorify the Athenian empire. In short, 
his aim was to make Athens the supremo arbiter of 
Greere. and him«elf the. head of Athens. 



H2 furcnswT oate* i 

The history of Greece, from the battle of Plataa till 
the Peloponnesian war, is, in a great measure, the hhtio 
it of governments, and of arts and sciences. We shall 
over this, therefore, a period of about 50 years, and 
proceed to a brief survey of th.it war: and we shall see 
its causes early planted, and its effects gradually form- 
ing the theatre for the M tiao conqueror. 

The warlike Medes were inebriated by the wealth 
and luxuries they found in the first Assyrian empire, 
which they subdued : the Persians drank the same dead- 
ly draught from the conquest of the second. The Greeks 
were effeminated by the conquest of the Persians ; and 
the Romans, as we shall see tn tracing our line, experi- 
enced the same in the conquest of Carthage and Greece. 
Throughout all ancient history we see virtue, industry 
and bravery, combined with ambition, raising nations to 
empire ;and we see wealth, luxury, and vice, undermin- 
ing and plunging them down to destruction. 

We have already noticed the ascendency which the 
Spartans gained among the states of Greece, in the first 
ages of those lfcpublics. At first it was real, at length 
only nominal; but after the battles of Marathon, Salamis, 
and Plataca, it existed no longer. The Athenians seem 
to have been superior to their sister states in genius, en- 
terprise, and local situation. The gradual, but power- 
ful operation of these, together with many other advan- 
tages mor<j particular and accidental, rendered them su- 
perior to all. But by whatever causes they acquired su 
periority, one thing is certain, they used it with far less 
moderation than the Lacedemonians had doue before 
them. The menacing tone, and haughty air they assum- 
ed, were but ill calculated to promote their ancient union: 
and indeed they now seemed only solicitous to extort, 
by force, from their neighbors, degrading acknowledg- 
ments and humiliating concessions. 

This haughty and overbearing spirit clearly appeared 
in the administration of Pericles. His lofty and aspir- 
ing genius, his hold and animated eloquence, prevailed 
on his countrymen to throw off the mask, and assert their 
right to supremacy. The consequence was, the extinc- 
tion of all union — general resentment — combinations — 
conspiracies, and civil and desolating wars. In the 
general calamities, Athens shared largely. The Felo- 



ANCIENT GREECE. 93 

ponnesian war was productive of incalculable evils : 
evils of which Greece never recovered — equally subver- 
sive of morals, liberty and empire — and which prepared 
the way for the conquest of Alexander. 

The states of Greece, with equal astonishment and in- 
dignation, received ambassadors from Pericles, together 
with a mandate, that all the states and colonies should, 
by their deputies, assemble at Athens, to adopt measures 
for rebuilding ruined temples, and paying due respects 
to the immortal gods, for their assistance in the Persian 
war. An order so extraordinary, in so imperative a tone, 
was received by many with deep disgust, and secret mur- 
murs — by the Spartans with resentment and derision — 
and by none with due submissson but those states whose 
dependence had already insured their acquiescence. 
The tendency of this measure was to render Athens the 
source of authority and the centre of deliberation, action, 
power and honor. 

When Pericles understood how this requisition was 
received at Lacedemon, he is said to have exclaimed, 
with his usual forcible and figurative style, ¥ L behold 
war advaucing with wide and rapid steps from the Pelo- 
ponnesus." In this conflict of power, policy, wealth 
and ambition, it was perceived that Athens and Sparta 
must form the two rallying points : and both those pow- 
ers had endeavored, by every artifice of open and secret 
negociation, to strengthen their' cause by leagues, alii- 
ances, and auxiliaries. 

This memorable war was begun by the Corinthians 
and Corcyreans, a colony from Corinth, about 439 years 
before the christian era. 

Corey ra is an island near the entrance of the Adriatic 
sea, cast of it lies the kingdom of Epirus, and west the 
bay of Tarentum. This island has been famous even 
from the times of Homer, who calls it Phceacia. Its 
present name is Corfu. From remote antiquity this 
island has been celebrated for its wealth, beauty, and a' 
times, for its naval and military character. The repub- 
lic of Corinth had early sent a colony to Corcyra, which 
soon grew into a wealthy and powerful state, and was 
able to resist the haughty and imperious requisitions of 
the mother countrv. Nor shall we find a more convent- 



JH (IEECE, 

rat place than this, to notice an essential blemish in thi 
moral and political character of t lie ancient Greeks! 

The spirit of emigration and colonizing prevailed more 
with the Greeks than with any nation, ancient or mod- 
ern. It was, indeed, the natural result of their national 
iracter, form of government, and local situation. En- 
lightened, free, independent and enterprising, the de- 
- lite of many of their more barbarous neigh- 
bors invited their fl ; <»ns, and the numerous islands 
of the surrounding ample room and full scope 
to the indulgence of their roving and restless propensi- 
Tbey emigrated, invaded, conquered and colo- 
nized. Aud, before the commencement of the Pelopon- 
;an war, could their powers have been brought to a 
common focus, by a plan of policy sufficiently strong and 
combining, they would have formed the most powerful 
and warlike nation ever known. But, iu this respect, 
they were far behind the Romans. Divided into small 
independent governments, they were distracted and torn 
by mutual jealousies ; and their caprice, tyranny and ven- 
geance, were often wrecked upon their refractory colo- 
nies, towards whom they made it a point to preserve an 
altitude the most commanding and supercilious. A pre- 
dominance of this unhappy temper, occasioned perpe- 
tual broils, and at last brought on an eventful struggle, 
irorathe deplorable consequences of which Greece never 
recovered. 

After some battles, and various success, the Corcyre- 
. finding themselves in danger of being overcome, 
applied to Athens for aid, which was granted. In the 
mean time the war is prosecuted with vigor: the Athe- 
nians send aid to Corcyra. Corinth is overmatched, and 
Sparta and the Peloponncsian states; and 
gtli fall in on the part of Corinth. Thus, in 
• ■! of ( orinth and Cbrcyra, were seen Athens and 
in the Held of action, thi - of Greece 

I, and tli ^reading over their 

fairest provinci 

The Spartans, if in any degree less warlike than they 

IU former times, were certainly more enlightened, 

ml directed by maturer councils. Their 

\ and fo ill terrible to the haughty 

Vthi and Pericles himself might have seen reasons 



ANCIENT GREECE. 96 

ibr wishing that he had been satisfied with a more tacit 
acknowledgment of Athenian greatness ; especially when 
he now often saw that proud capital tottering on the 
brink of destruction, exposed to the fortune of a most 
eventful war, and severely distressed by pestilence. 

While the confederate armies were ravaging the coun- 
try of Attica, even almost to the gates of Athens, a dread- 
ful plague broke out in that city. As its first appearance 
was at the Piraeus, it was generally believed to have been 
imported from abroad in the Athenian vessels. This 
was about the year before Christ, 430. 

The glory of Greece was now past her meridian : for, 
whatever party might prevail, the reader must perceive 
a train of inevitable evils in consequence. Deplorable 
is the state of a kingdom divided against itself. For the 
particulars in this wide and melancholy scene of war, 
destruction, and misery, the reader must be referred to 
the histories of those times. There he will find, that on 
the 16th of May, 404 years before Christ, at the end of 
27 years from the commencement of this unhappy con- 
flict, Athens, the glory of Greece, the mistress of the arts, 
and sciences, was taken by the confederate armies, and 
her walls, her towers, and her fortresses, levelled to the 
ground. 

The day, says Dr. Gillies, was concluded by the vic- 
torious confederate armies with a magnificent festival, in 
which the recitation of poems, as usual, formed a part of 
the entertainment. Among other pieces was rehearsed 
the Electra of Euripides, and particularly that affecting 
chorus, " We come, O daughter of Agamemnon, to thy 
rustic and humble roof." These words were scarcely 
utteretl, when the whole assembly melted into tears. 
The forlorn condition of that young and virtuous prin- 
cess, expelled the royal palace of her father, and inhabit- 
ing a miserable cottage, in want and wretchedness, re- 
called to mind the dreadful vicissitude of fortune which 
had befallen Athens, once mistress of the sea, and sove- 
reign of Greece, but deprived, in one fatal hour, of her 
ships, her walls, and her strength, and reduced from the 
pride of prosperity and power, to misery, dependence, 
and servitude, without exerting one memorable effort to 
brighten the last moment of her destiny, and to render 
her fall illustrious 



1)6 i GREBCB* 

The Peloponnesians vainly boasted (hat the fall of 
Athens would he the era of Grecian liberty. Athens, 
indeed, tasted that hitter cup which lawless pride nnd 
amhition generally presents to her Notaries. By h<£ 
situation, her genius and prosperity, she seemed de 
cd as the guardian of Greece ; hut her amhition to govern 
or to conquer, which none inflamed more than Pericles, 
as rash and presumptuous as it was foolish and vain. 
Athens, thus humbled, prostrated, and crashed, n 
rose to her former state : and the powers which triumphed 
over her were involved iu her destiny — resembling 
members of a body, which revolt from the head, c. 
down, and trample it in the dn 

After this period, however, many great men appeared 
in Greece : hut ro general bond of union could he form- 
ed. Intervals of peace were short, and their few virtu- 
ous characters only shone like passing meteors, for a 
moment. If Alcihiades was famous for his talent? Ik 
was no less infamous for his vices: and the few splendid 
actions he performed were utterly insufficient to counter- 
act the genera] effects of caprice, crooked policy, and a 
Iota] want of virtue. 

Athens had scarcely recovered a measuro of lilx 
by the exertions of Thrasybulus, and began to respire. 
after a shock so paralizing, and calamities so dreadful, 
when war again broke out. This is commonly called 
the Boeotian war. Instead of rising, as did the former, 
from the Peloponnesus, it now pointed its avenging flames 
towards that haughty combination of powers, and me 
naeed them with a fate similar to that of Athens. It is 
remarkable, that as the sun of ancient Greece was still 
lingering on the western horizon, as if loath to set, she at 
times displayed an effulgence of genius which few na- 
tions could boast when enjoying their meridian of glory 
In the days of glory which Sparta and Athens had seen. 
! little expected that BcBotia would ever be the ter- 
ror of Greece — would not only excite their jealousies, 
'arm their fears, and would render necessary their 
utmost exertions, not to say in defence of their honor, 
but of their national ce. 

His without a dissentin , allow Epapj- 

uondas to have been great in the various charactn 
5 man, hero, pal lot and commander. TheThebam 



ANCIENT GREECE. 97 

>ind their confederates were led by this most accomplish^ 
ed general into the Peloponnesus. Lacedemon was their 
mark. They ravaged the country of Lyconia, even to 
the gates of Sparta. That proud and powerful people 
had not seen such a day for five hundred years. The 
skill and valor of Agesilans saved them. 

The course of human affairs resembles a revolving 
wheel, some parts of which are perpetually rising, some 
falling — some are up and some down. It is incredible 
that Lacedemon should be compelled to apply to Athens 
for aid, whom she had so lately conquered: but this she 
did, and that with success. The war progressed with 
vigor — was protracted — had various turns, and was at 
length terminated in a general battle at Mantinsea. This 
battle is allowed to have been the most equally matched, 
the ablest conducted, and the most bravely fought of any 
one ever fought in Greece. While the fortune of the 
day was evidently declaring for the Thebans, Epaminon- 
das was killed. This roused the drooping spirits of the 
Spartan allies, and at last rendered the victory doubtful : 
it was claimed on both sides. 

With Epaminondas expired the martial spirit of his 
country : for, although the Thebans maintained the as- 
cendency for some years, and were able, for a while, 
even to control the decisions of the Amphictyonic coun- 
cil, yet they gradually sunk to their former insignificance. 
This great general terminated his career in the 2i\ year 
of the 104rth Olympiad, 363 years before Christ, and may 
be considered as one of the last expiring lights of the 
Grecian republics. 

Within eight years of the death of Epaminondas, Alex- 
ander the Great was born, generally acknowledged to 
be the first of heroes and of conquerors. Under his pow- 
erful sceptre, the Greeks*, the Persians, and even the In- 
dians, formed but one amazing field of conquest. 

Empire first having taken her flight from Persia and 
from the Grecian republics, seemed for a while hovering 
on other shores and coasts, as in doubt where to settle. 

More than 800 years before the christian era, a colony 
from the ancient city of Tyre, whose history we have al 
reMly noticed, crossed the Mediterranean sea, and set 
tied in Africa. Those enterprising adventurers, con- 
ducted by flie relobratcd Dido, founded the city and em 

N ' 



ANCIENT <• 

bage. The Carthaginians, by cleg 
ttMi«!o«l themselves along the shores of Africa— -iihdued 
the islands of the Mediterranean, great part of Sicily, 

and even maiiN inlands in the Atlantic ocean. They 
succeeded, and very far exceeded their mother country, 
in the empire of commerce, and were for many years 
i. Hut the Carthaginians, like the Trcr- 
janspwere destined, after flourishing a while, to enhance 
ihe triumph and exalt the fame of their conquerors: they 
were cheeked by the Greeks, and finally subdued by the 
Romans. 

The Romans, about this time, flourished under a con- 
sular administration. Manlius Torquatus, and Dccius, 
Mas, and others, were cotemporary with Alexander. 
But the Romans were yet unknown to fame, their wars 
not having extended beyond the small tribes and si 
ol Italy : for it is remarkable, that, after Rome had been 
an independent state 3f>0 years, her territories did not 
nd twenty miles from the city. 
Rut a power was now rapidly rising, much nearer to 
Greece, which was to change the scene in Europe and 
Asia, and to influence the state of numerous nations, to 
unborn. 
Northwestwardly of the head of the Archipelago, and 
separated from that sea by several small Grecian repub- 
lay the country of Macedonia. lt> exact size, as also 
its boundaries northwardly, were little known even to the 
ancients, and still less to modern geographers. The conn- 
try was rough, mountainous, and, for the most part, wild 
ami barren. As early as the Persian invasion, these part* 
were lilt!. : they had been colonized and subdued 

Athenians, but had revolted in the course of the 
Felopounesian war. 

Amyntasi the grand-father of Alexander the Gi 

of that dynasty, of any considerable 
iv. lie is represented by Quintus Curtiusj 
aan of great abilities, equally brave in the field, 
and wise in council. Hut. overwhelmed with difficult- 
foreign and domestic, lie was able only to plant 
u bit h w ere afterwards to flourish 
and i of half the nations of the ea^i. 

During I , the Macedonians were too wild 

barbai >nv settled plan of policy, civil 



ANCIENT GREECE. 9# 

or military. Of course they were kept in perpetual fear 
from the inroads of the Illyrian tribes, whieh skirted 
m on the north. 

The Greeks, likewise, though wasting away by swift 
degrees, in the lires of civil war, were still warlike and 
powerful, under the administrations of Cinion, Pericles 
and Epaminondas. The life of Amyntas was strongly 
imbittered by intrigues and conspiracies, in his own pa- 
lace, carried on by his famous, or rather infamous queen 
Eurydice : a calamity, which, amidst all their greatness, 
seemed to pursue that whole dynasty of Macedonian 
kings, until it exterminated the posterity of Philip, king 
of Macedon. 

Amyntas had three sons, viz. Alexander, Perdiccas, 
and Philip, the father of Alexander the Great. After a 
troublesome reign, he was succeeded by his eldest son 
Alexander, who found full employment in repelling the 
invasions of his ferocious and warlike neighbors. In an 
unsuccessful war with the Illyrians, he was compelled 
to become tributary, and to give a royal hostage. He 
gave his younger brother Philip, who during his resi- 
dence with those rude but martial people, gained a know- 
ledge of them, which was afterwards of eminent service 
to him ; though he was then but a boy. On a similar oc- 
casion, being afterward § sent to Thebes, he their enjoy- 
ed the greatest advantages. 

Epaminondas then flourished : and taking Philip under 
his immediate protection and care, he educated him to- 
gether with his own son, in the Grecian literature, in 
which he made great proficiencyr~fThe school of adver- 
sity, gives lessons of wisdom, and imparts an energy to 
man almost indispensable to greatness. For the most 
part, the more pampered and delicate children of easy 
fortune are enervated in the germ and blossom of life, 
and are forever hushed on the downy lap of prosperity* 
to inglorious repose. 

It was not so with Philip. In those adverse fortunes; 
which could not break his spirit, he learnt patience, hu- 
mility and wisdom. He found ample resources in his 
own mind, made strong by exertion, and rich by experi- 
ence. 

Three years after the battle of Mantinaea, and death 
of Epaminondas, Philip found that country in the utmost 



100 

confusion: there had been no settled adminii j but. 

civil war, (nations, revolutions and anarchy. Phi- 

lip was i prince of great abilith i ^. and equal ambition. 
fife casl bis eyesovci the wide p ;and, allured by 

the most brilliant hopes . his family, and 

invited by the degenerate effeminacy of the Athenians, 
the discord of the Pelopormesians, an tieral weak* 

«»fall Greece, he laid the plan of an empire, which 
his son was destined to execute and to exceed. Fortune 
seconded his views. His measures, taken with profound 
policy, and executed with surprising celerity, soon put 
him in peaceable possession of Macedonia. He marri- 
ed Olympias, a beautiful princess of Epirus, whose per- 
sonal and mental attractions made her no less worthy 
of his regard than the greatness of her family, descend- 
ed from Achilles, rendered her worthy of sharing his 
throne. 

The Greeks, now degenerated from the glory of their 
ancestors, found their chief resource against the arms 
and policy of Philip, in the sublime and powerful elo- 
quence of Demosthenes. The muses, partial to this de- 
lightful land of their nativity, having long before this 
done what they could in forming the father of poets, now 
made their last efforts in forming an orator never to be 
excelled. But, alas ! in vain were ihe powers of rheto- 
ric displayed. The strongest reasons and the sublim- 
it descriptions — the most solemn warnings — the most 
animated addresses, were antidotes too feeble to recover 
a nation forever lost to virtue; they were arms and bul- 
warks far too weak to resist a powerful conqueror. Yet 
they often seemed to resuscitate the dying flame of liber- 
ty, and co-operating with other impediments to the con- 
summation of Philip's ambition, that prince left his main 
enterprise to be effected by his son. 

A letter from Philip to Aristotle, the Grecian philoso 
pher, announcing the birth of Alexander, his son, is 
worthy of insertion, " know that a son is born to us. Wc 
f hank the gods ; not so much for their gift, as for bestow- 
ing it at a time when Aristotle lives. We assure our- 
B that you will form him a prince, worthy of his 
father and of Macedon." When Alexander was thirteen 
years old, Aristotle commenced this employment, as the 
young prince was then found able to receive and digest 



ANCIENT GREECE. 1QJ 

his instructions. " It is impossible to say how far the 
greatness of the one was owing to the instructions of the 
other ; but it is no more certain that the one conquered 
the world, than that the others' opinions predominated 
overmen's understandings during sixteen centuries.* 

In the full career of pleasure and ambition. Philip was 
assassinated, in the 4»7th year of his age, and 24th of his 
reign, by Pausanias, as he was walking from his palace 
to see the public games, between his son Alexander, 
and his nephew of the same name. Philip had been 
very unhappy in his family, had once at a public feast, 
in a rage drawn his sword and rushed upon his son to 
kill him, but Alexander by a quick motion of his body 
evaded the blow aimed at his life. It was believed bv 
many that he was privy to his fathers assassination. 

Thus fell Philip, in the vigor of his life, his favorite 
schemes being as yet accomplished but in pari. When 
we view his life, actions, achievements and character, 
we can entertain little doubt that he was the ablest states- 
man of any monarchy beyond the Augustan age. 

Alexander immediately ascended his father's throne, 
and it was soon perceived that the administration of thr- 
government would loose nothing by the change. 

His first enterprise was against the barbarous and war 
like nations which lay north and west of Macedon. 
Wherever he turned his face, all opposition vanished be 
fore him. On the death of his father, many powerful 
and independent tribes of Thrace had seized the oppoi 
tunity ; expecting to avail themselves of the inexperience 
and youth of his son. But Alexander, although he wa< 
now, and from the moment of his accession to the throne, 
preparing for the invasion of Persia, determined to con 
vince them that they had nothing to hope from his inex- 
perience, nor to expect from his negligence. At the head 
of a well appointed army, and with generals whom his 
father had taught the art of war, he penetratad into 
Thrace, and was victorious in several sharp encounters. 
He crossed the Danube, and displayed his triumphant 
standard on the northern banks of that river. There 
many neighboring nations, struck with the terror of his 
arms, sent him their submission in the humblest terms. 

* Dr Gillies 



102 KEECE. 

Hut while he was marching and conquering in the 

wilds of Europe, a report was spread in Greece that he 
had fallen in battle. Whether the belief of this was 
real or pretended, the perfidious Greeks, though they 
had just before complimented him by appointing hint 
general of Greece, began now industriously to foment 
a war with Macedon. Athens, Sparta, and particularly 
Thebes, was at the head of this attempt. The news of 
this diversion reached the youthful conqueror as he was 
ready to return, [n eleven days he was seen before 
Thebes, which ancient and venerable city he had destin- 
ed to utter destruction. He took it by storm, put the in- 
habitants to the sword, and levelled it to the ground. 
Thus ended the city of Cadmus, after having remained 
one of the heads of Greece ~\0 years. 

The Greeks, struck with dread at the fate of Thel 
imbassadors to appease the resentment of\Yle\an 
der, and to congratulate him on the success of his north- 
ern expedition. Never did the character of a nation un- 
o a greater change than that of Greece, from the 
• of Milt'mdes to those of Alexander. They now 
were as low as they had been exalted — as feeble as they 
had been Strung, and as mean and base as they had been 
noble and magnificent. Indeed, so rapid was their de- 
clension, that the fortune of Alexander was to them rath 
er a favor than a scourge. 

But nothing could exceed the decision and dispatch of 
Lis counsels, the energy of his preparations, or the ra- 
pidity of his motions. He despised all slower counsels. 
all delays, and even the usual precautions which com- 
monly retard warlike schemes. His father's ablest gen- 
erals were astonished at the vigor and success with which 
he executed the boldest plans. One reason he assigned 
for invading Persia was a pretended suspicion that their 
emissaries had been concerned in the murder of his 
ther: although the impartial reader of history cannot 
avoid a suspicion of a sery different nalui 

Alexander having intrusted his domestic concc 
(for puch now were those of Macedon and Greet 
Autipater. set forward on his Persian expedition, at the 
head of an army consisting of 5,000 horse and 30,000 
fu«»t lii twenty days he arrived at the Hellespont 
when he crossed without opposition into Asia. 



ANCIENT GREECE. 103 

With so small an army, says Quintus Curtius, it is 
doubtful which is most admirable, the boldness or the 
success of Alexander's vast enterprise.* His army was 
truly a veteran army, consisting of old men who had 
fought in the earlier wars of his father and uncle. His 
soldiers were grey headed, and when embodied they re- 
sembled the venerable senate of some ancient republic. 
Their dependence was not on the swiftness of their feet 
but the strength of their arms. 

The extensive regions of the Persian empire were in- 
habited by various nations, without any common bond of 
religion, manners, language, or government. Their cap- 
ital cities were dissolved in luxury, and their provinces 
had long been in a state of real dismemberment, for 
want of any combining system of policy, either civil or 
military. Murders, treasons, and assassinations were 
the usual steps to the throne ; and, when seated there, 
the monarch's business was little better. 

Although the Persians were abundantly forewarned of 
Alexander's intentions, yet they suffered him to advance 
far into their dominions unmolested either by sea or land. 
In their confusion and alarm, which every day strength 
ened, by intelligence of the rapid advances Of the Gieeks, 
the advice of their ablest counsellors was rejected, either 
through ignorance or envy. The most skilful generals 
in the service of Darius urged the utter impolicy of 
risking a general battle with Alexander, whose impet- 
uous valor, now enhanced by the necessity of conquering, 
would drive him into the most desperate efforts. It was 
therefore advised to lay waste the wide country before 
him, and tame his courage by delays. By this policy 
Fabius afterwards checked the progress of Hannibal, and 
saved Rome. 

But the foolish and haughty satraps of Persia rejected 
this advice with disdain, as unworthy of the dignity of 
the empire of Cyrus, especially as it came from Memnon, 
the Rhodian, the only general, however, in the armies 
of Darius, whose opposition appeared at all formidable 
to Alexander. This great man. however, was soon re- 
moved by death, and Darius was left to the folly and 
pcttidy of men, who knew no language but that of flattery 

1 Quint. Curt. lib. ii. cha*. fV. p 20. 



lul 

Tlir rivei diamriis i — m- - from mount Ida, in the Les- 
ter Phrygitj aiid falls into the Propentis. On ti.< 
banks of this river the Persian commandei "bled 

their forces with (lie utmost expedition, and determined 
-ist the shock of the enemy ; and from this place ihc 
scouts of Alexander brought him the wished-for intelli- 
gence that the Persians weir assembled in considerable 
foree. Ashe approached the river, he perceived the 
Persian army on the opposite bank. Determined on an 
attack, he immediately made dispositions for crps 
the river. His cavalry opened to the right and left, and 
displayed the formidable Macedonian phalanx of infan- 
try, divided into eight sections. Aline was instantly 
formed. 

While these arrangements were making, Parmenio, a 
general as celebrated for bravery as for caution, remon- 
strated against crossing the river in such dangerous cir- 
cumstances. The channel, though fordable, was deep 
and rough — the current rapid, and the bank steep and 
rocky : the enemy stood on the opposite bank, and the 
river must be forded and the bank asceuded, under show- 
ers of arrows and darts. But nothing could intimidate 
Alexander : he leaped upon his horse, assumed the com- 
mand of the right wing, and gave the left to Parmenio. 
As he dispersed his orders, a fearful silence ensued, and 
both armies expected the onset. In a few moments the 
Macedonian trumpet was heard from all the line, and 
the whole v, entering the river. 

As they reached the opposite bank the shock was 
dreadful : for the Persians, who fought for life and em- 
pire, received them with the most obstinate bravery. 
Alexander waj conspicuous by the brightness of his ar- 
mour — the terror of his voice — the astonishiug celeritv 
of his move it md the victory and death which at- 

tended his arm. tie infused Ids spirit into his army. II 
impossible not to be brave where he was. lint his 
intrepidity led him into dangers which none but himself 
ned destined to escape, l! i was broken 

in his hand : his helmet saved his life from the stroke of 
tle-axe, and the brave Clitus, vt horn he afterwards 
murdered in the furj him at the same 

have 

» 

proved fatal. ' % 



ANCIENT GREECE. 105 

The fortune of the day was nearly decided before the 
phalanx of infantry could ascend from the river. Their 
dreadful aspect, glittering with steel, completed the vic- 
tory ; and the Persians were either killed, taken, or dis- 
persed. Besides that this battle seemed to presage the 
future fortune of the war, it was ruinous to the cause of 
Darius, who here lost several of his ablest commanders, 
with about 20,000 men, while, incredible to relate, Alex- 
ander lost only B0 or 40 of his. 

The fortune of no conqueror is better known than that 
of Alexander. His only impediment in the subjugation 
of the Persians, seemed to be the great extent of their 
territories, and the distance of their capitals and for- 
tresses. Darius Codomanus displayed little else in the 
course of this war, which was to put a period to his em- 
pire, but weakness, cowardice, the most stupid igno- 
rance, extreme vanity, and a total incapacity either of 
governing a kingdom, or of commanding an army. 

Between the battle of Granicus and that of Issue, 
where Darius commanded in person, nothing took place 
worthy of insertion in this compend. In general the 
masterly policy of an extensive plan of operations united 
safety with dispatch, and crowned every movement with 
success, as much to the glory of the invaders, as the ruin 
of the invaded. 

The defenceless nations of the Lesser Asia sent their 
ambassadors in throngs to deprecate the vengeance, im- 
plore the mercy, or court the alliance of the young hero. 
But he moved from place to place with a celerity which 
almost denied access to his faint hearted but nimble foot- 
ed suppliants. 

Parmenio, the next in command to Alexander, was 
dispatched on various excursions, either to receive sub- 
missions, or to reduce such strong holds as might dare 
to stand a siege, but the Aing of Macedon himself held 
a more regular line of march, and halted at the great 
cities. When arrived at ancient Troy, he had performed 
splendid sacrifices and honors at the tomb of Achilles, 
his great maternal progenitor. It is allowed by all, that 
he took that hero for his model. So enamored was he 
of the character and glory of Achilles, that he constantly 
carried Homer's Iliad in his pocket, and read in it almost 
every day and hour. 

O 



105 

s of the Grecian army (tor in no one instance 
irttine betraj him into ras latest) led 
Dai fe r kept the Ch i distaii- 

To give the young reader i view of the character of 
tliu Persian monarch and nation, and generally of the 
imperial pomp of the ancient Asiatic*, we shall hew de- 
sccud to a brief detail of the preparations of Darius, and 
particularly of the order of the camps and movements, 
which we translate and abridge from (|uintus Carth 
Life of Alexander. We deem this apparent dispropor- 
tion vindicahle, both from having promised it, in our pre- 
face, and from the vast importance of the events to which 
it leads. 

Darius Codomanus may be campared with Louis XA T I 
of France. If the term innocent or inoffensive i> appli- 
cable to an absolute monarch, they were both among the 
most innocent, inoffensive, or harmless of then respective 
dynasties. When Darius perceived at a distance the 
gathering storm, rising from Macedon. lie. seut a splen- 
did * nd haughty deputation to Alexand Inch he de- 
clared himself to be the king of kings, and the relation 
of the gods, and that Alexander was his servant. This 
commission was given to the satraps of the enipin with 
orders to seize the 7nad boy, for so he termed Alexander; 
to whip him severely, to clothe him in mock purple, and 
bring him bound to him ; moreover, to sink his ships in 
which he had crossed the Hellespont, and to send his 
army in chains, in exile, to the farther shore of the Red 
Sea. The Persian lords, entrusted with this gentle of- 
fice, assembled what they thought a sufficient force, on 
the banks of the river Granicus, where they intended to 
execute, In every punctilio, the orders of the monarch of 
Asia. They found it no easy task to seize the mad 
boy. 

The only great military character at this time in the 
serviic of . arius was Memnun, the Uhodian. That ex- 
perienced soldier comprehended at once the nature and 
consequences of this threatening war; and advised his 
master to the only expedient which could have exhausted 
the impetuous (Ire of the mad boy, so much despised at 
ike Persian court. Memnon's advice, together with its 
rejection, have been already noticed ; as also the resul 
the affair of 'Granicus. 



ANCIENT GREECE. 10? 

Tbe loss of the battle and army of Granicus, for the 
first time, roused the king of Persia from his dreams of 
security, and opened his eyes on the imperious necessi- 
ty of decisive measures. Without loss of time he en- 
deavored to wield and concentrate the strength of his 
empire, on an emergency which had not occurred since 
the days of Cyrus. 

The regions of Asia have always been populous : and 
Darius found no difficulty in assembling an army an 
swerable to the dignity of the king of kings. He as 
sembled his forces on the plains of Babylon, and, deter- 
mining to command in person, made his dispositions ac 
eordingly. 

According to an ancient custom of the Persians, he be- 
gan his march, to meet the enemy, at sun rise, and in the 
following order. Foremost went the magi, supporting, 
on altars of massy silver, what the Persians call the sa- 
cred and eternal fire. They began to move at the sound 
of the trumpet, given from the king's pavilion, at the 
same time chaunting a hymn, suitable to the grand oc- 
casion. The magi were followed by three hundred and 
sixty-five youths, a number equal to the days of the year^ 
veiled in Tyrian purple. A splendid chariot, sacred to 
Jove, followed these, drawn by white horses; and then a 
horse of wonderful bigness, which they called the steed 
of the sun ; behind these were te;;, chariots richly ein^ 
bossed with silver and gold, which were followed by the 
cavalry of twelve nations, with various arms and en- 
signs ; a corps of 10,000 chosen warriors, arrayed in the 
most superb style of eastern magnificence, covered with 
gold and gems, whom they called the immortal band, 
went next; and they were followed by 15,0Q0 men de- 
nominated the king's relations, dressed in a style of the 
most costly and effeminate luxury. Next to these went 
a band called the Doryphori dressed in royal apparel, 
before whom moved the superb and lofty chariot of the 
king, supported on either hand by divine emblems, em- 
blazed with pearls of inestimable value, and bearing the 
images of Ninus and Belus, the founders of the Assyrian 
empire, with a golden eagle. 

The dress of the king was distinguished by every 
possible mark of the most luxurious wealth ; the most 
gorgeous blaze of gems and gold 5 10,000 spearmen 



108 ANCIENT GREECE. 

followed his chariot, armed frith silver spears, and darts 
glittering gold : on his ri^lit hand and left about 200 of 
liiv family connexions attended, and were enclosed in a 
body of 30,000 infantry, the king's body guards. Be- 
hind these, a short distance, Sisygara bis the mother, and 
Statin the wife of Darius, rode in separate chariots; a 
multitude of women; in short, the children and menials 
and pelhcea of i\\e king came next, under a strong guard: 
and the light armed, even a multitude of nations, brought 
up the rear. 

It is said, by our author, that one day whilst Darius 
was viewing this immense army, he turned to Charide- 
mus, a veteran (J reek, who had fled Ids country from 
hatred and fear of Alexander, and asked him whether 
he did not think that even the sight of such an army 
would be sufficient to affrighten Alexander and his hand- 
ful of Greeks? Charidemus. forgetful of regal pride and 
vanity, made answer, " this army, so superbly equipped, 
this huge mass of so many nations, drawn together from 
all the east, may be terrible to nations like themselves, 
may shine in purple and gold, may glitter in arms and 
wealth, so as to dazzle the eye and exceed conception. 
But the Macedonian forces, of stern visage and roughly 
clad, cover the impenetrable strength of their firm batal 
ions with shields and spears. In the solid column of 
ir infantry, whiiVi they call the phalanx, man is 
crowded to man, and arms to arms. They learn to keep 
rank and to follow the standard at the slightest signal. 
Whatever is commanded they all hear: nor are the sol- 
diers less skilful than their officers, to halt, to wheel, to 
form the crcsent, to display their wing, or change the 
order of battle. Think not that they value gold and - 
\er: virtuous poverty is the mistress of their discipline. 
When weary the earth is their bed; by whatever food 
comes to hand they answer the calls hunger — and their 
repose is shorter than the night. And can we think that 
these Thessnlian, Acarnanian and ^Etolian horsemen, a 
band invincible in war. clad in glittering steel, can be 
vanquished by slings and spears of wood? No — you 
need troops like them to contend successfully with them. 
From thai land which gave them birth, auxiliaries must 
sought. Would you, therefore, hope to vanquish Alex 
auder, Strip off the gold and silver with which your army 



ANCIENT GREECE. 109 

is adorned, and hire soldiers, like his, who can defend 
your country." 

Darius, though naturally of a mild and gentle temper, 
yet now agitated by fear and jealousy, and of course be- 
come, cowardly and cruel, in a rage at remarks though so 
just, and advice so pungent, ordered the unfortunate 
Charidemus to be instantly beheaded : and it was accord- 
ingly done. Like all other rash and foolish spirits, he 
perpetrated in haste an atrocity which he could not re- 
trieve by lasting and bitter remorse. 

The Persian king, soon after, set forward with this 
vast cavalcade, probably of near a million of souls, in quest 
of the hardy band of Greeks, who dispersed, captivated 
or slew all who came in their way. How different his 
army and his whole conduct from those of the great Cy- 
rus, when he marched from the same countries to en- 
counter Croesus, king of Lydia ! and how different in the 
result ! 

The death of Memnon, the only general of Darius for 
whose military talents Alexander had the least respect, 
gave confidence to the Greeks, and struck a deadly (lamp 
to the hope and courage of the Persian monarch. Al- 
though Memnon's advice had been slighted, merely to 
gratify the vain-glorious pride of his haughty rivals, yet 
his loss was felt and deplored : and Darius perceived 
himself surrounded by the ministers of his pride and 
folly, from whom he had little to expect but stupidity, 
treachery and cowardice. 

At the head of this unwieldy mass of people, Darius 
moved from the plains of Asia, northward, towards the 
mountains of Syria, in quest of a handful of Greeks, 
whom still he affected to despise. And well he might 
-have despised them, had he not been a stranger to the 
art of war, as well as to the proper use of his own 
resources. An attention to the advice of Charidemus 
might have saved him. By a little augmentation of his 
Grecian auxiliaries, he might have easily opposed to 
Alexander, a number of Greeks equal to the Macedonian 
army ; as he had already in his army a powerful body of 
Greeks, who constituted his most efficient force. Nothing 
could have been more gratifying to the Athenians La- 
fedemonians, and, indeed, to all the peninsula, than 



m 

110 

the fall of Alexander, from whose triumphs they expecf 
nothing hut chains. 

Had they seen a power in the field ahle to resist the 
coiujucror. or even to protract the war, they would hn 
lent their aid. But the counsellors of Darius were una* 
Me to form any regular plan. Inflated with the empty 
name of the empire of Cyrus, from which the spirit and 
genius of Cyrus had long since departed, they dictated 
nothing but rashness and folly. They even counselled 
Darius to put the Grecian troops to the sword, for fear 
they might prove treacherous, and desert his standard in 
the day of hattle. 

In the line of Alexander's inarch, an entrance into 
Cilicia was commanded by a pass over a mountain, where 
a very few men might have stopped tin 1 progress of a 
powerful army. This pass was commanded by Arsan* 
governor of Cilicia. Instead of defending if, on the ap- 
proach of Alexander, the dastardly Persians iled bei 
the Greeks came in sight. 

Alexander, when he gained the height, sed 

astonishment at Jus good fortune ; nor could he hut per- 
ceive that such an advantage, so readily abandoned by 
the Persians, gave a sure indication of his future success. 
Yet, in passing these mountains, he kept continually he- 
fore his army, bauds of light armed Thracians, who 
might secure him from ambuscade and surpri- 

Tarsus, afterwards the birth-place of St. Paul, a prin- 
cipal city of Cilicia, had been set on fire by the Persians, 
but the city was saved by the timely arrival of Panne - 
nio. The ablest counsellors of Darius urged him to re- 
turn to the extensive plains of Mesopotamia, where his 
innumerable forces might act to advantage; or at least, 
that his army should be divided, and led on to encouni 
the Greeks at different times and places. 

Darius was ally induced to reject this - 

advice, by intelligence that Alexanih -ruusly 

sick. He therefore hastened his m; up 

with Alexander at the bay of Issj lien it v. 

that the Macedonian arm;, was near and ;> 
proaehing, Darius was greatly surp md disappoint- 

ed* J * thai the G 

would retire at I. fi, and not dare lo hazard a 

battle with n . his. ! 



AKCIEN'i GREECE, lit 

the talents of Alexander, the army of the latter would 
not have sufficed his innumerable host lor haudfuls. 

Darius gave the command of his right wing to Nabar- 
zanes, to which he added light troops, composed of 
sliqgers and archers, to the amount of 20,000. In the 
centre of this wing, Thymodes was placed at the head 
oi 20,000 Greeks, a power of itself sufficient to cope with 
the Macedonian phalanx : it was indeed the flower and 
strength of his army. The left wing was commanded 
by Aris tod emus, a Thessalian, with 20,000 infantry. 
To these he added the most warlike bands of the allied 
nations. In this wing the king himself fought, with 3000 
chosen cavalry his body guards, sustained by 40,000 in- 
fantry. Near these were ranged the Hyrcanian and Me- 
dian horse, a powerful body of cavalry ; and finally, 
many thousands of auxiliary forces. In front of this ar- 
ray, six thousand slingers and archers moved forward to 
commence the battle. 

The place for the battle was most unfortuuate for Da- 
rius. A narrow irregular plain, limited on one side by 
the sea, and on the others by mountains and declivities, 
enabled Alexander to display as wide a front as Darius, 
and gave a peculiar advantage to the"Greeks, accustomed 
to manoeuvre among hills and mountains. 

Alexander drew up his powerful phalanx in front. 
The command of his right wing he gave to Nicanor, the 
son of Parmenio. Next to him stood Coenos, Perdiccas, 
Ptolemy, Meleager, and Amyutas : each one destined to 
a particular command. The left wing, which extended 
to the sea shore, was commanded by Parmenio, with 
Craterus subject to his orders. The cavalry were rang- 
ed on either wing ; the Macedonian and Thessalian on 
iLe right, and the Peloponnesian on the left. And before 
all, as was usua}, light armed troops, archers and sling- 
ers were stationed. 

When the armies now stood in open view of each 
other, Alexander passed before the front of his formida- 
ble line, addressing his officers and soldiers, man by 
man. He encouraged them to the contest, from motives 
of safety, interest and glory. He reminded them of a 
series of victories gained, when victory was far less ne- 
cessary, but never when it would be more glorious. 



US AM 1REEPE. 

The conflict for awhile was severe and dreadful. Da. 
rius did every thing he could to sustain his falling throi 
Indeed the Greeks in his army fought witi' bravery, 

ami in discipline, were little inferior to tin ionians. 

Hu*i their numbers l>een equal, they might have influ- 
enced the fortune of the day. But an immense rout and 
confusion soon took place in the Persian army; and 
when the (necks saw themselves contending alone 
superior force, such as ot slain, either 

surrendered or fled in despair. Darius soon perceiving 
all was lost, with some difficulty effteted his escape. 

In the camp of Darius was found considerable trea- 
sure : but what was most inestimable to Alexander, was 
the family of the unfortunate Darius. Among other royal 
personages were taken Sisygambis the mother of Darius, 
his children, and his queen, the beautiful aud celebra 
Statira, considered as one of the finest women of antiqui- 
ty. The ardent and youthful conqueror, on this occa- 
sion, displayed the highest sensibility and honor of a sol- 
dier and hero. And his behaviour to those noble cap- 
be compared with that of the great Cyrus be- 

. , and of Scipio after, his time, on occasions nearly 
imilar. He treated them with respect and deference 
due to the elevated rank of their more fortunate days, and 
strove by commiseration, pity, and tenderness, to miti- 
gate the severities of their hard fortune. Indeed, his 
heart, subdued by the res is tie** charms of virtue, innocence 
and beauty, of a conqueror made him a captive in his turn. 
He afterwards married Statira, and made her a second 
time queen, not of Persia only, but of Asia, Africa and 
Europe. Her second elevation, however, was soon t< 
minated by a d nost severe and dreadful. On the 

\\ of Alexander she fell a sacrifice to the cruelty and 
ambition of those blood-thirsty harpies whose first care 

- to exterminate the family of Alexander. 

In a former chapter we have spoken of the siege of 

by Nebuchadnezzar. The taking of that cele- 

] city by Alexander was not one of his least bril- 

VI though conquered and humbled by the 

. that queen of commercial cities had regained 

1. i f< plendbr, and had forgotten her ancient fall 

and - ion. The Tyrians having sent ami) . 

dors to Alexander, desired to know his pleasure, andde- 



ANCIENT GREECE. 118 

, d their submission to his will : but when they were 
informed that he intended paying them a visit, they, with 
equal modesty and firmness, sent him word that although 
they were disposed to do homage to his will, yet, as they 
were an independent state, they could neither admit him 
or the Persians to make their city a party in the war. 
This was enough for that ambitious conqueror ; he in. 
stantly determined to try their strength. Tyre was pro- 
bably the strongest city in western Asia. 

This great city was separated from the shore by a nar- 
row strait of half a mile in width. Its walls were a hun- 
dred feet in height, and eighteen miles in circuit. Its 
provisions, and naval and military stores, were very great. 
As Alexander had little hope of taking the city but by 
land, he constructed a mole across the frith. This was 
done with vast labor and danger to the Greeks ; and was 
no sooner done than destroyed by fire by the Tyrians. 
In this inveterate siege, which lasted seven months, eve- 
ry expedient of force and art was employed on both 
sides : and it may be safely said that no city was ever 
attacked with greater vigor, or defended with more reso- 
lute bravery. But what could resist the genius of Alex- 
ander? The city at length was taken, and so far des- 
troyed as never again to recover its former splendor. — 
The subjection of Phoenicia followed the reduction of 
Tyre ; and, if we except the brave resistance of the for- 
tress of Gaza, Alexander met with little more resistance 
till he arrived in Egypt. There he laid the foundations 
of a city, which was to bear his name. Alexandria, in 
twenty years, became one of the principal cities of the 
east. 

The unhappy Darius was unable to repel foreign in- 
vasion. His haud was never formed to hold with stea- 
diness, strength and dignity, the reins of empire. 

Escaped from the battle of Issus^lie hastened back to 
the seat of his empire ; and, as soon as possible, and 
with no great difficulty, assembled a numerous army. — 
Could the spirit and genius of the great Cyrus have ac- 
tuated him for but a few months, the declining fortune 
of his kingdom would have assumed a different aspect. 

We cau say little more in this plact than that the Ma- 
cedonian conqueror subdued Egypt and Persia, and even 
penetrated far into India. His conquests comprehended 



414} ANCIENI GREECE. 

the most enlightened parti of Europe ami Asia, and the 
fairesl portion of the habitable After his return 

from the oast hii attention was directed to the establish- 
ment of order and regular government throughout his e 
tensive empire. In matters of this nature he showed no 
less capacity than he had done at the head of his armie 
but here his designs were never carried into effect^ Whilst 
planning the future prosperity of bis empire — while! re- 
ceiving embassies from all quarters of Europe and A 
and even before lie had time to realize to what an eleva- 
ted height of honor, glory and dominion he had arisen, 
he was seized with a raging fever at Babylon, which ter- 
minated his life in the 33d year of his ag; 7 and the 13th 
of his reign. 

How sudden and how awful the change from the sum- 
mit of earthly glory to the dreary and silent tomh ! No 
conqueror was ever more fortunate than he — no hero 
more brave — no monarch more splendid. For thirteen 
years his life was a rapid series of successes, victories, 
conquests, and triumphs; but death. An an unexpected, 
untimely hour closed the scene. 

Alexander was said to be of low stature, and not well 
formed ; yet in genius, vigor, activity, and elevation of 
mind, he was probably never excelled. His father,, 
whose administration. Dr. Gillies justly observes, is the 

it of which we have a regular account in history, cer- 
tainly was one of the greatest of men .and of princes: 
j e( for boldness, decision, rapidity and grandeur of mind, 
he cannot he compared with his son. To judge of the 
justness of the grounds of Alexander's leading enterpri 

- would be unsafe at this distance of time. He certain- 
ly had many provocations to invade Greece and Persia. 
11^ \w. of outrageous acts of barbarity when pro- 

vocations arose, during his paroxysms of wine and pas 
sion; which eertahW to throw a 

shade ovei tracter. Hut if those acts im- 

paired the lustre of I/; they no less destroyed his 

happii rally followed by the keen- 

est remorse and aelf-eondemnatidn. 

Hi> burning the palace of Persepolis, at the instigation 
of Thais, if the sldfcy d< fiillcredit, though pretend 

ed as a retaliation upon Xerxes for burning Athens, ad- 
mits of no apolog; : vv bile, on the other hand, the death 



A1ACED0X, HSf 

of Cuius, as related by great authotities, lias many pallia- 
tions. Clitus had loaded Alexander with the most abu- 
sive and reiterated insults ; they were hoth in the heat of 
wine and passion: and the monarch after being in suited for 
some time ordered Clitus to be carried out of his presence ; 
Clitus after this, came back and renewed the attack ; then 
the king stabbed him, but was so instantly struck with 
remorse that he would have killed himself with the same 
weapon, had he not been restrained by the company pre- 
sent. 

If the knowledge of war, personal authority, bravery 
and good fortune, are essential to the character of the 
great commander, it can scarcely be doubted that Alex- 
ander was second to none.* Hannibal seemed wantiug 
only in the last article. He had great skill, bravery and 
authority. His misfortune was, that his countrymen 
were corrupt, and the government under which he acted 
extremely bad. 

Had Alexander enjoyed a long reign, he would prob- 
ably have introduced a form of government adapted to 
the nature and extent of the countries he had conquered. 
But before these salutary objects could be accomplished, 
even before he had organized a combining system of pol- 
icy, or determined on a successor, he was called from the 
great theatre of human life, on which, while he remained, 
no mortal ever made a greater figure. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

MACEDON. 

Alexander's empire, from his death till its subju- 
gation BY THE ROMANS. / 

THE death of Alexander, which took place 32 1 years 
before Christ, occasioned changes and wars in all parts 
of his extensive conquests. His dominions were divided 
among four of his great officers, viz. Cassander, Lysima- 
chus, Ptolemy, and Seleucus. Ca^andcr shared Ma 

Vile Cicero, pro. Manil lege, Oral. 



lift I BDOK. 

oedon and Greece — Lysiinachus, Thrace and tlu 
tries bordering on the Hellespont and Bosphorus — Ptole- 
my had . Lybia, Arabia, Syria and Pal ml 
Seleucus had Chaldea, Persia and the east. 

The century succeeding the death of A lexandci forms, 
haps, the most uninteresting period of ancient history. 
The successors of the great conqueror were ambitions 
without abilities, and, instead of power and policy, they 
displayed little ut treachery, perfidy and cruelty. 

'The whole empire was agitated by vain struggles, wa 
ill-conducted, and conspiracies remarkable for nothing 
but weakness, folly, and barbarity. Such scenes were 
exhibited in Babylon, such in Persia, such in Macedon, 
and such in Greece. The nations east of Persia soon 
turned to their former state, and felt the shock of Al< 
andcr s conquest, only as a wave separated for a moment 
by the course of the ship that passes through it. Indeed 
Persia itself had little to perpetuate the memory of that 
event, except what indelible marks the course of war 
bad left in the destruction of several of her noblest cities 
and greatest families. 

Alexander had united himself to the royal family of 
Darius, by marriage ; of course that family, as soou as 
he was dead, fell a prey to the merciless rage of jealousy 
and ambition — not even excepting his beauteous queen 
Statira, as already noticed. So that his posterity shared 
none of his glory or good fortune. 

Babylon and its vicinity felt longer and more deeply 
the effects of this conquest, only however to complete its 
ruin and extinction, by the building of Seleucia on the 
banks of the Tigris. The states of Greece held on their 
course of degradation, lapidly declining from their for- 
nn . till, together with their liberty, virtue, pub- 

lic spirit and genius, their prosperity, happiness, and 
national existence departed. But in Macedon, Syria, 
and Egypt, there arose establishments, which make some 
ire in history. 

It has been already noticed that Cassander, one of 
Alexander's generals, iii the division of the empire, 
shared Macedon and Greece. This man had little more 
talents than were sufficient to enable him to perpetrate 
the blackest crimes and the most atrocious villainies. He 
seems to ha\> been designed as the instrument of provi- 



MACEDON. 117 

dence for the destruction of Alexander's family. He is 
even suspected, and that upon probable grounds, of bav- 
ins; poisoned Alexander himself. After he bad reigned 
in Alacedon nearly twenty years, and, with cruel ingrati- 
tude, imbrued his hands in the blood of the children and 
friends of his benefactor, and had experienced various 
fortune in the wars which his competitors were carrying 
on, he died, and left three sons to contest for his king- 
dom. After various murders and the most horrid parri- 
cide, the sons of Cassander, whose mother, Thessalo- 
nice, was the sister of Alexander the great, were de- 
stroyed, and the kindom fell into the hands of Deme- 
trius, another of the competitors for the empire, who 
reigned seven years. And it is remarkable that this re- 
volution completed the extirpation of the family of Philip, 
king of Macedon. 

Sosthenes, a Macedonian, succeeded Demetrius : but 
his reign was of short duration ; and Antigonus was 
elevated to the throne in the year 276 before the christian 
era. The kings of Egypt and Syria acknowledging 
the right of Antigonus to the kingdom of Macedon, it 
remained in his family for several successive reigns, till 
Perseus, the last of that race, was conquered by Paulus 
iEmilus, the Roman consul, and Macedonia became a 
province of the Roman empire, about a century before 
Christ. 

To speak particularly of the character and exploits of 
those princes, in a work of this nature, would afford as 
little pleasure as profit to the reader ; who, from the spe- 
cimens given, may form some judgment of the rest. — 
Iudeed, it is a period of history but little known ; and 
what is known of it is extremely unsightly and disgust- 
ins;. 

Before we proceed to the kingdom of Syria and Egpyt, 
it will be proper to observe, however, that this period 
was adorned with one great character. Pyrrhus was 
the iineal descendant of Achilles, the famous leader of 
the Myrmidons in the Trojan war. Being very early 
in life forced to abandon Epirus, his paternal inheritance, 
to Neoptolemus, an usurper, he followed the standard of 
some of the competitors who fought for Alexander's em- 
pire, till at length he was delivered over to Ptolemy 
Soter. king of Egypt, as a hostage. His bravery and 



US 1A. 

good conduct soon gained him the affection of that mon- 
arch rded his merit* with t^e hand of Antigone 
in marriage, the daughter of Berenice, his favorite queen ; 
and famished him with an army to attempt the recovery 
of his kingdom. This illustrious prince soon appreci- 
ated the value of these advantages, by the complete re- 
covery of all his dominions. His course was marked 
with a series of great and noble actions : in Asia he met 
no equal; and wherever he turned his arms, victory at- 

ded him. His elevation took place about 297 years 
before Christ. 

Pyrrhus, however, was unable to resist the rising for- 
tune of Rome. Unfortunately for him he entered Italy, 
where he was repulsed by a nation of heroes, who united 
the bravery of Leonidas to the uneorruptcd virtues of 
Atistides. Had Pyrrhus made Greece and Asia the 
scene of his operations, he might either have avoided a 
ision with the Romans, or at least might for a while 
e checked their growing power. It is thought by 
some that had Alexander himself entered Italy, he would 
have met the fate of Pyrrhus. Hut Pyrrhus experien- 
ced the fortune of war. He is allowed by all historians 
to have been the greatest commander of his time, and by 
some to have been second to uone but Alexander. His 
invasion of Italy will be noticed in our view of the Ro- 
man history. 

From Macedon let us proceed to notice the kingdom 
of Syria. This country lies at the east end or head of 
the Mediterranean sea, but separated from it by what 
was anciently called Phoenicia, a narrow strip of laird, 
which lies along the eastern shores of that sea, the chief 
cities of which were Tyre ami S'rdon. North of Syria 
lay bordering Cappadocia and some other provinces ; 
east lay Mesopotamia ; and south, Arabia and the de- 
ria was also divided into Upper and Lower: 
a distinction which will be of little use in this compend. 

Twelv after the death of Alexander the Great, 

and before Christ 312, Scleucus. after various revolu- 
found himself able to establish his authority in 
Syria, over which he reigned fo ears. He w 

tally engaged in the competitions and inglorious 
Lime, without performing any thing particu- 
larly worthy of notice. It has been already remarked 



SYRIA. 119 

that Chaldea, Persia, and the east fell to him, in the di- 
vision of the empire. In those immense provinces, to 
govern which required the genius of Cyrus or Alexander. 
Seleucus was not wholly inactive. He endeavored to 
complete the conquest of those countries, and even in* 
vaded India, hut with little effect. Instead of contin- 
uing in the purpose of Alexander, to make Babylon the 
seat of his empire, he built the city of Seleucia, upon the 
Tigris, about forty miles from Babylon ; which already 
accelerated the decline of the latter ; now dismantled to 
adorn and replenish the new city, its final abandonment 
soon took place. 

Either by accident or design the city of Seleucia ob- 
tained the name of New Babylon, which name having 
not always been distinguished from that of the old city, 
abundance of confusion has been introduced into ancient 
history, and many historians have been led very errone- 
ously to affirm that ancient Babylon stood on the river 
Tigris. 

Seleucus having reigned 33 years, was treacherously 
murdered by Ptolemy Ceraunus, or the Thunderer, as 
he seems foolishly to have been surnamed ; who thereby, 
for a short time, obtained the government of Macedon. 
But he was vanquished and slain by the Gauls — a fate 
he justly merited. 

Seleucus was succeeded in his throne and dominions 
by his son Antiochus, who made Antioch the seat of his 
empire. This city was for many ages, says Dr. Prideaux, 
the queen of the east. It was built by Seleucus, and 
stood on the river Orontes, in Upper Syria. The Sy- 
rian kings reigned Here ; and here afterwards the Roman 
governors resided ; and after the introduction of Christian- 
ity it long remained a famous archepiscopal see. The 
mo»i considerable enterprise in the life of this prince 
was his expelling the Gauls out of Lesser Asia. We 
have already noticed their invasion of Greece, whence 
they were driven by Sosthenes. They had now invaded 
and in a great measure overrun all the Lesser Asia, and 
threatened to subdue the whole Assyrian empire. Anti 
ochus defeated and cut them offso completely as to delir- 
er his territories from their incursions. He was thence 
surnamed Sntor. or Saviour. 



SYRIA. 

NO far from this period the fame of the Roman aims 
and tl ne of that wondrous people wore confirmed 

defeat and downfall of Pyrrhus. king of Epirua I 
tiiul v aeeeediug reigns of the Syrian king 

famish little either for the instruction or amusement of 
the reader, we *hall content ourselves with a mere enu- 
meration of them. 

Vuiiochus Soter, after a reign of id years, was mur- 
dered by his wife J and was succeeded by Se- 
leueus Callinicm This prince reigned 20 years — wa9 
perpetually engaged in war, aud ended his life in Parthia, 
by a fall from his horse. He was succeeded I; 
Seleucus Ceraunus, or the Thunderer; who, after a 
reign of 3 years, was poisoned by his courtiers. The 
Saviours and Thunderers of that pusillanimous race of 
kin:;*, with all their thunder against their enemies, and 
salvation for their subjects and dominions, did little hut 
waste their time and strength in vain enterprises, poorly 
planned and still w orsely executed ; and thus prepared 
them to become an easy prey to the Romans. 

Ceraunus was succeeded by his brother Antioehus, sur- 
named the Great : aud, indeed, if a great deal of noise 
and bustle — many expeditions — getting some consider- 
able victories, (which, however, he did not know bow 
to improve) and despising some advantages which might 
have turned to his account — in short, if fighting hard, 
and getting often defeated, and at last overthrown with 
irrecoverable disgrace and ruin — if all this merited for 
him the title JWagnus, surely no one ever earned it more 
completely. 

We shall notice particularly but a few things in the 
reign of this prince, neither of which very well comport 
wittf his being styled the Great. The first is his war 
with Arsaces, king of the Parthians, or Persians. This 
enterprising and warlike prince restored, in some mea- 
sure, the ancient government of Persia, which the Ro- 
man- never fully subjugated. Antiochus had a long 

m, and gained some advantages, but < 
never conquer him. 

The second thing we shall notice concerning Antio- 
is his rejecting the advice of Hannibal, the (Jar 

Land thereby failing of the aid of 
and wa The fall of Carthage being 



SYRIA. 131 

now foreseen by Hannibal, he saw no power either in 
Europe or Asia to whom he could apply for aid, or with 
whom he might unite his endeavors against the Romans, 
except the king of Syria. To him, therefore, he went 
and tendered his assistance and advice. The substance 
of Hannibal's advice to Antiochus was, that he should 
make war upon the Romans, whose power had now be- 
come formidable to all nations ; that they should imme- 
diately be invaded in the most vigorous manner both by 
sea and land ; and that Italy itself should be the seat of 
war. This advice was no less timely and important 
than it was judicious and practicable ; and a conformity 
to it was of equal moment both to the giver and receiver. 
But the Syrian king, whose views and conceptions want- 
ed that extent and vigor necessary to raise him to a level 
with Hannibal, and actuated by a mean jealousy lest the 
superior talents of the latter should eclipse his own, 
pursued a quite different course. Antiochus invaded 
Greece — was met by the Roman armies — was defeated 
by sea and land, and that, on the side of the Romans, al- 
most without the loss of blood. With the loss of great part 
of his dominions, he was compelled to pay an enormous 
tribute, and to accept of the most disgraceful terms of 
peace ; and Lucius Scipio, the Roman general, acquired 
the surname of Asiaticus, in honor to him as the conquer- 
or of Asia. 

Sometime after this Antiochus was killed in robbing 
the temple of Elymais, dedicated to Jupiter Belus, hav- 
ing reigned 36 years. The history of Syria, from this 
period, is virtually but the history of a Roman province, 
although it bore the form and semblance of a monarchy 
for 122 years. Seleucus Philopater next ascended the 
Syrian throne, on which he maintained a dubious author- 
ity for 11 years. After him the succession took place in 
the following order, (viz.) Antiochus Epiphanes, 11 
years ; Antiochus Eupator, 2 years ; Demetrius Soter, 
12 years ; Alexander Balas, 5 years; Demetrius Nicanor, 
6 years ; Antiochus Sidetes, 10 years ; Demetrius Ni- 
canor, 11 years ; Zebina, 2 years ; Antiochus Grypus, 
2J years. During the last mentioned reign, and lli 
years before Christ, Antiochus Cyzicenus established a 
new kingdom at Damascus, which remained independent 
of Svria for 30 years, 



Scleucus succeeded Antiocbus Grypns, and reigned 4 
: after hiin Philip, i) years ; in whom ended the 
BeleucidSj or the family of Seleucus, after having sway- 
ed the sceptre of Syria 239 years. This was in the year 
83, before the christian era. II* poisons, assassination*, 
conspiracies, treasons — if murder of fathers, mothers, 
brothers, sisters and children — if the violation of everj 
law of nature, reasou, and justice, was ever the peculiar 
characteristic of any dynasty of monarchs, it surely be- 
longed to this. The Syrians at length expelled and ex- 
cluded the Seleucidaj from the government, and elected 
Tigrancs, king of Armenia, to he their king. Under 
Tigranes the royal dignity of Syria 'became extinct, 
and that country was made a Roman province by Pom- 
of whom we sball speak in our view of the Roman 
history. Syria became a province of Rome 65 years be- 
fore Christ. 

With a brief survey of the history of Egypt, from the 
death of Alexander till the subjection of that country to 
the Romans, we shall close our view of Alexander's 
empire. If any of the princes of those times deserved 
the name of Soter, or Savjour, the first Ptolemy must 
have been the man ; since he is allowed by all ancient 
writers, to have been a prince of great wisdom and vir- 
tue. In the division of Alexanders conquests it has al- 
ready been remarked that Egypt fell to Ptolemy. After 
a war with the rival princes for several years, lie found 
himself firmly settled in the government of Egypt, and 
his reign commenced in the year before Christ, 304* 
— eight years after that of Seleucus in Syria. To de- 
tail 'he particular wars between Egypt and Syria, (for 
they were almost incessant) would not consist with the 
brevity of this work, It shall suffice to say that the kin_ 
{Egypt held a respectable ascendency among tin 

>f Alexander: they generally reigned with more 
dignity, aud certainly preserved their independence lou- 
ger than either those of Syria or Macedon. 

Ptolemy Soter having reigned 20 years from the time 
of his assuming the title of king, and 39 from the death 
of Alexander, being above 80 years old, resigned his 
kingdom to Philadelphia, his son, a prince famous for 
Kertiool to promote learning, and for the encourage- 
ment he gave to learned men. The celebrated Alexan- 
drian library had been begun by his father, who was 



EGYPT. 123 

himself both a scholar and philosopher. It was kept in 
the temple of Serapis, reckoned one of the finest and no- 
blest edifices of antiquity. 

This library consisted of two parts ; one of which, con- 
taining 300,000 volumes, was kept in a quarter of the 
city called Bruchium ; the other part, consisting of 
200,000 volumes, was kept in the Serapeum, or temple 
of Serapis. The library of Bruchium, only was burnt 
by Julius Caesar : yet in after times, as we have before 
stated, all was lost. 

This important library or museum drew together the 
most learned society in the world, and raised Egypt 
once more, and probably for the last time, to be the au- 
gust patroness of science. The presidents of this mu- 
seum were the first counsellors of state to. the kings of 
Egypt ; and the first president appointed by Ptolemy 
Philadelphus, was Demetrius Phalereus, a Greek who 
had been for several years governor of Athens — a man 
of great learning and abilities.* 

It is remarkable that the dynasty of Ptolemies, from 
the accession of Ptolemy Soter till the end of the reign 
ef Cleopatra, lasted 294 years — the whole of which pe- 
riod comprehended only eleven reigns, and that almost 
in an unbroken succession. Those princes must have 
reigned, on an average, about 27 years — the shortest 
reign of them all was 13 years — several of them reached 
nearly 40 years. They stand in the following order, 
(viz.) Ptolemy Soter 39 years, Philadelphus 38, Euer- 
getes 25, Philopater 17, Epiphanes 24, Philometer 35, 
Physcon, his brother, 29, Lathyrus 36, Alexander, in 
right of his wife, 15, Auletes 13, Cleopatra, 22 years. 
The Hebrew monarchs, from Saul to Jehoiakim, reigued, 
on an average, 24 years — the Persian, from Cyrus to 
Codomanus, 18 years — the Roman, from Augustus to 
Constantine XII, emperor of Constantinople, 12 years 
— the English, from William the conqueror to George 
II, 22 years. 

If long reigns and regular successions may be regard- 
ed as evidences of the wisdom, good fortune, and mild 

* Great indeed he must have been since Cornelius Nepos gays 
that the Athenian senate erected 300 statues to perpetuate his 
memory. 



admi n of the prince, and of the contentment^ 

tranquillity) and equanimity of the public mind, the 
Ptolemies may be reckoned among the most happy and 
nate of the monarchs of antiquity, 
'liout noticing particularly the. several reigns \u 
this period of history, we shall close it with a few gen- 
eral observations. 

An event took place about this time, which serves, 
perhaps, above all others of an historical nature, to de- 
monstrate the very high antiquity and great authori' 
the sacred scriptures of the Old Testament. We have 
already spoken of Demetrius Phaleieus, who was the 
greatest scholar aud philosopher of his time. Plutarch 
informs us that this Demetrius advised Ptolemv B 
to make the largest collection he could of hooks which 
treated of the government of 6tates and kingdoms, as he 
would thereby obtain the advice and experience of wise 
men iu former ages. Soter accordingly set about the work 
— but it was more fully accomplished by Philadelphus. 
Among many other histories and codes of laws, they also 
obtained, from the high priest of Jerusalem, an exact copy 
of the sacred writings, together with seventy-two learn 
ed Jews, who were deeply skilled in the (*rcek lan- 

fuage, to translate them. These persons proceeded into 
Igypt, and, under the inspection of Demetrius Phale- 
reus, accomplished that celebrated translation. This was 
done in the eighth year of the reign of Ptolemy Philadel- 
phia. The concurrent testimonies of many ancient au- 
thors establish, beyond all possible doubt, the certainty 
of this transaction ; and of course, they also establish 
other things, (viz.) that the writings of the Old Testa- 
ment existed in the days of Ptolemy Philadelphus — that 
their credit and authority were then great and unquestion- 
able. There is indeed a doubt whether the true Sep- 
tuagint translation is now extant. According to Epipha- 
neus, it was burned in the Alexandrian library of lh u- 
ehium by Julius Casar ; but on the contrary, Tertullian 
affirms it to have been kept in the Serapeum, and of course 
that it escaped that conflagration. 

From the death of Alexander to the conquest of all his 
dominions by the Romans, the belligerent powers of the 
Known world may be divided into four parts, forming two 
^rand theatres of war. The first, and by far the grandest, 



EGYPT. 125 

scene was made up of the Romans and Carthaginians 
and their several allies; the second was composed of the 
powers we have been considering in this chapter, (viz.) 
the Macedonians, Syrians, and Egyptians. The Ij 
had ambition enough, but with little power or policy 
— the former were ambitious of empire, and were near- 
ly on a footing as to the necessary means of gaining it. 
For it is justly remarked by an able historian, that the 
genius of war forsook the Greeks at the death of Alexan- 
der, and went over to the Carthaginians. 
Alexander's conquest must, on the whole, be regarded as 
a benefit to the world. Had the Persians conquered Greece, 
or the Carthaginians Rome, an age of darkness must 
have ensued, through which the wing of conjecture is un- 
able to explore its flight. Those nations, under which 
Rome untimately fell, although rough and savage, yet 
had great vigor, both of body and mind : therefore the 
world has once more risen to the light of science, reason, 
and civility. Rut the oppressive tyranny of southern cli 
mates threatens to extinguish reason and virtue, and 
overwhelm men in everlasting darkness. The conquest 
of the Greeks left no nation worse than they found them : 
it certaiuly left many nations betier. Even Greece itself 
fouud an enemy in Alexander less dangerous than it did 
in Pericles. An artful demagogue of great talents is the 
most dangerous man the world ever saw, and is the 
greatest curse to any form of government that ever be- 
jel it. Alexander found the Persians at their lowest 
ebb : had he not conquered them, they would soon have 
conquered themselves ; indeed, they had done it already > 
and were falling into ruin by the natural progress of in- 
ternal debility. The Egyptians were regenerated by 
his conquests, and were never more flourishing, respec- 
table, enlightened or happy, than under the Grecian dy- 
nasty. 

Grecian literature generally travelled with their arms, 
and planted itself with their colonies ; and before the 
Augustan age had diffused itself through most parts of 
Europe and Asia : and if the military spirit of the Greeks 
rested on the Carthaginians, their love of the arts and 
sciences surely did no less on the Romans. 

From the foundation of the commonwealth of Athens, 
by Cecrops, to the death of Cleopatra, the last of Alex- 



126 ROME. 

ander's surccssors, was upwards of one thousand four 
hundred years. During this period, the Greeks founded 
and overturned the greatest empires : they excelled all 
nations in architecture, statuary, painting, poetry, and 
oratory ; they gave the world its first hero; they exhihited 
the greatest variety of character, and the mcst astonish- 
ing displays of genius ; and they may he considered as 
justly meriting the first rank amoug the nations of the 
earth : their history, therefore, and their language open 
a more variegated, rich, beautiful, and sublime field of 
ly, than those of any other tfation. 



CHAPTER XIV. 
ROME. 

BRIEF HISTORICAL VIEW OF THE ROMAN EMPIKE, FROM 
THE FOUNDING OF ROME BY ROMULUS TO THE EXPUL- 
SION OF TARQUIN THE PROUD; CONTAINING A PERIOD 
OF TWO HUNDRED AND FORTY FIVE YEARS. 

AS the traveller who passes the night in Wandering 
through lonely solitudes and frightful mountains, till, at 
break of day, he finds himself in a delightful country, 
surrounded with the beauties of nature and art, so it is 
with the historian who passes through the dark and 
barbarous ages which lie betwixt us and the prosperous 
times of the Roman empire. When we view the distant 
glories of Rome through the intervening shade, and in- 
dulge the melancholy reflection, we are prompted to ex- 
claim, and could such an empire decline? Could such 
magnificence perish ? Could such wealth be dissipated 
— such institutions be overthrown, and such splendid 
scenes be darkened forever? Yes! The industrious ma- 
lice — the barbarous rage of man will generally supersede 
the ravages of time, or at least will always share with 
them the empire of destruction. 

When we pass beyond the dark ages, the Roman em- 

of which we are now to speak, first attracts our at- 

n. It is a common, perhaps some will consider it 

ts a trite, saying, that nations and governments, consid* 



ROME. 127 

ered as public bodies, resemble, in their growth and de- 
cline, the human body. The remark eminently applies 
to Rome, which had a long and feeble infancy — a most 
vigorous youth — a manhood proud, powerful, splendid, 
and vicious — of majestic size and commanding aspect, 
yet inwardly wasting with incurable disorders, and preg- 
nant with the seeds of dissolution — and a most disastrous 
and miserable old age. It may be thought fanciful, but 
the following view of the Roman history will be divided 
into four parts, with reference to these four different ages 
or states observable in that history. The infancy of 
Rome may be extended to the expulsion of Tarquin, 
(U. C. 245) which will be the subject of this chapter. 
Its youth may be extended from thence to the conquest 
of Carthage, (U. C. 62 1) — its manhood to the end of the 
reign of Antonines, (U. C. 933,) and its old age from 
thence to the reign of Augustulus and its conquest by the 
Goths, upwards of twelve hundred years from its foun- 
dation. 

Romulus founded the city of Rome in the year of the 
world 3,252, and before Christ 752 — five years before 
the commencement of the era of Nabonassar — 148 years 
before that of Nebuchadnezzar — in the 7th year of the 
reign of Jotham, king of Judah — 216 years before the 
taking of Babylon by Cyrus, and some years after the 
death of Lycurgus, the Spartan law-giver. That famous 
city stands (for it is at this day one of the finest cities in 
Europe) on the banks of the river Tiber, on the western 
shores of Italy. Italy is a strip of land which projects 
from the southern part of Europe into the Mediterranean 
sea. It is fancied by some to resemble a boot and spur, 
with the toe pointing toward the island of Sicily. It is 
thought to be about 600 miles long, and nearly 400 in 
breadth. It occupies a mild and pleasant region in the 
temperate zone — is well situated for commerce — has a 
fruitful soil, and most of the natural advantages of the 
best countries in the world/ 

From the very high antiquity of the Roman state it 
will be perceived, that the materials for writing its his 
tory must be scarce. These have been carefully econo- 
mized by historians, and amplified and embellished by 
poets for more than two thousand years. But when we 
consider that th? Romans were not a literary people till 



ROME. 

y had conquered Greece, and especially when 
let the smalluess and obscurity of their state 
lie period of their kingly government, we shall 
no further evidence that the accounts given even of 
that whole period, are not among the most credible parts 
of ancient his ory. The ancient writers all agree, that 
durii. of the kings, their territories were al- 

io the city, and never extended fifteen miles 
and their wars were with petty states like them- 
B. The events, therefore, recorded in this long 
and sterile period of their history can have no importance 
in themselves, and would never he worth detailing, were 
it not for the lustre which is shed upon them by the great- 
ness of Rome in her after ages. 

But as to the history of the kings of Rome, from Rom 
ulus back to iEneas and the Trojan war, all the respect 
is due to it which is ever due to the ingenius fictions of 
a strong poetic fancy ; and perhaps little more. There 
is, however, another reason why it is expedient to fol 
low the thread-bare detail of the history of the Roman 
kings; no history is so plenty as that — no one so much 
read, or so much remembered — no one exists in so many 
forms, or has been attempted by so many writers. Dr. 
Goldsmith's abridgment is exactly the thing which 
ought to be written, were we to attempt to do it. Those, 
therefore, who wish to peruse a concise, but regular and 
formal detail of those events, are recommended to read 
that excellent abridgment. 

The. kings of Rome succeeded one another in the fol- 
lowing order — Romulus reigned 37 years : Numa Pom- 
pilius 43; Tullus Hostilius 32; Ancus Mnrtius 24; Tar- 
quinius I' 38 ; Scrvius Tullus 44 : Tarquinius Su 

perbus 2j — making in the whole, together with several 
short interregnums, 245 years. 

If we may suppose that the Romans, while yet so very 
small, maintained their sovereignty and independence 
dumiu; so long a period, their affairs must have had a 
stability and regular order which were the result of great 
Wisdom and prudence. The most that can be said of 
them with certainty is, that their place remained the 
same. Its situation ga\e it many advantages, and it 
generally came off with an ascendency from the petty 
in which it was engaged: but it sometimes chang 



ROME. 139 

ed masters, and that with equal advantage to itself and 
its neighbors. Numa, the second king of Rome, was a 
Sabine, and from a city called Cures ; from his time, 
therefore, and in honor to the place of his nativity, the 
Roman people were called Quirites. 

Numa employed his whole reign in [regulating the af- 
fairs of religion and government. He built several tern- 
pies, among which was the celebrated temple of Janus, 
which was never to be shut but in time of peace. The 
Roman monarchy was elective; and we may clearly dis- 
cern, in the elections of their kings, that spirit of liberty 
which prevailed in all the ancient' nations of Europe. 
A man wa« quickly elevated or depressed by the voice 
of popular favor. 

In the early ages of the world, Italy was peopled with 
a hardy race of men, who lived without government, 
without restraint, and without any social order, except 
what had grown spontaneously from the dictates of na- 
ture, and the force of habit. ! Their tribes or clans were 
little more than the connexions and dependencies of par- 
ticular families which had grown numerous, and were 
taught to combine and arm for the purposes of mutual de- 
fence. They lived free in the woods, and roved over 
the plains, subsisting upon the fortune of the chace. 
The country being highly favorable to agriculture, they 
were at length induced to choose out for themselves con- 
venient settlements ; and this they did as they were led 
by prospects of pleasure, honor, or advantage ; and the 
extensive country became at length settled and divided 
into a great number of small independent states or sove- 
reignties. Each of these, tenacious of its rights, honors, 
and territories — ambitious of military fame, and thirsting 
for conquest, was continually seeking advantage against 
all its neighbors. Hence- arose perpetual wars, conquests, 
and revolutions. A city was a state, a republic, a king- 
dom, or an empire ; every monarch was a general, and 
every citizen a soldier. 

A settlement of this description founded by Romulus, 
had for many years been seated on the banks of the Ti- 
ber. They had been repeatedly engaged in wars with 
their neighbors, and generally came off with advantage. 
Nor is it unlikely that they had during this period, out- 
grown the surrounding states, in power, wealth, policy. 

R 



X3U *■• 

and general improvement. After Bomul 
successively had ascended the throne, when in the 
of Tarquinius the proud, an event toot place which 
caused a revolution in their government, and, probably* 
was the first step toward- their future aggrandizement. 

Tarquin, the present monarch, to secure tin 
in his own family, had murdered all the descendants of 
Tarquinius Priseus, his grandfather, except Lucius Ju- 
nius Brutus, the son of a daughter of that prince, who 
feiened himself an idiot, to escape the tyrant and 

who was on that account called Brutus, or the fool. 
Him, the king kept in his house for the purpose of mak- 
ingsportforhischidren. Tarquin, hy hi- cruel and haughty 
conduct, had acquired the surname of Superhus, or I 
proud. He had waded to the throne through the blood 
of all the royal family, and every year of his rcL 
marked with acts of cruelty and oppressive violen 
His name was become odious, and his pcoph illy 

wished for nothing more than his downfal. This eve 
being intimately connected with the sudden elevation oi 
the Roman state, deserves a particular attention. 

Sextus, the king's son while his father was at the 
head of the army/ besieging Ardea, a neighboring 
violated the honor of bueretia, a Roman lady of gi 
spirit, and still greater virtue. The illustrious heroine 
survived the disgrace long enough to acquaint her hus- 
band and friends with her misfortune, and to entreat them 
as they regarded her memory, to take vengeance on her 
destroyer. She then drew a poignard from her robe, and 
plunging it into her bosom, expired before their ey 

llatinus, her husband, and her friends, stood round 
her, petrified with grief, and distracted with rage and <! 
pair; but their grief was for a moment arrested and turn 
ed atonishment, when Brutus, the reputed fo 

seized the bloody i and lifting it towards heaven, 

exclaimed, "be witness >ds, that from this moment. 

I proclaim myself the r of the chaste Lu 

mthis moment i f the enemy of 

Tarquin, and his bloody boose : henceforth my life. 

m ployed in opposition to tyranny, and for the 

freedom and happiness of my country. *' He then told 

- and lament give way to the 

nd delivering thew 



ROME. 131 

the poignard, still reeking with Lucretia's blood, caused 
oach of them to swear the same oath which he had sworn. 
The Roman people flocked together from all quarters, 
and were struck with horror at the deplorable spectacle ; 
and were equally amazed to behold the authority, and 
wisdom of Junius Brutus. The revolt from the tyrant was 
general, and the senate passed a decree depriving the king 
of all authority, and banishing him and his family forever 
from the Roman state. He lived, however, to give his 
countrymen much trouble ; for, though a detestable ty- 
rant, void of every principle of humanity and justice, 
yet he was bold, active, and vigorous, and found means 
to excite frequent disturbances, and even to enkindle 
dangerous wars against his country* 

We have now passed over 245 years from the found- 
ing of the Roman state ; and, in looking back on this pe- 
riod, we perceive few incidents particularly worthy to 
be drawn into this compend — nothing which would re- 
flect useful light on the character, or form useful combi- 
nations with the future history of the Romans. Like a 
single vessel moving alone on the ocean, the Romans as 
yet remained wholly disconnected with the affairs and 
destinies of the great nations of which we have spoken in 
former chapters- But during this period the Assyrian 
empire had fallen, Babylon was become a province of 
Persia, and Cyrus had extended his dominions from the 
Indian to the Atlantic ocean ; and a power was already 
prepared to eclipse for ever the glory of the Persians* 
Greece was now fast rising — the morning of her bright- 
est day evidently dawned. Beforethe fall of Tarquin, 
Miltiades, Leonidas, and Themosticles were born. Dur- 
ing this period, also, the Jews, having experienced a 
captivity of 70 years, were restored by Cyrus — had re 
turned and rebuilt their temple at Jerusalem. 

It may not be improper to close this chapter by noli 
cing to the reader, that, in most of the earlier dates, 
such as those of the founding of Athens, Thebes, aud 
Rome, the Trojan war, Homer, Hesiod, and many 
others, Dr. Priestly stands almost alone, making those 
ancient dates much later than most other chrouologeis. 
He has followed Sir Isaac Newton, whose plau, how- 
ever, as the Doctor acknowledges, has not been adopted 
by any other chronologer excepting himself. NewtonV 



ROM 

119 avoids apparent incom s; particularly it 

dirs the noted anachronism of £neM and Dido, 
and gives those two celebrated personages an opportuni- 
ty ot" becoming acquainted : but it i- doubtful 
whether the queen of Carthage would not rather choose 
that the old chronology should remain in credit ; which 
places them about a century apart. 



CHAPTER X\ 

TIIL ROMAN EMPIRE,* FROM THE EMM LSIOK OF TAR' 
TO THE CONQUEST OF (JAR! MA 

THE great and vigorous spirit of Lucius Junius Bru- 
tus, displayed in avenging the death of Lucretia, may 
yarded as a brilliant specimen of that power and 
grandeur of mind in which the Romans surpassed all 
nations, both ancient and modern. In variety of genius 
and taste, the Greeks certainly excelled them ; but in 
a masculine boldness — in a grave, dignified, martial en- 
ergy, the Romans were never equalled. Brutus and his 
associates were able to dethrone a powerful tyrant — to 
abolish a monarchy which had existed several centa- 
ries, and to organize and put in operation a new form of 
government, under which the Roman people rose to the 
sublimest heights of power, prosperity, and splendor. 

The Roman government, during the reign of the kings, 
had, in its original spirit and design, embraced many of 
the principles of freedom. The king was assisted by a 
council, consisting of an hundred senators, which num- 
ber was increased at various times. These were men 
advanced in years, and venerable for their knowledge, 
prudence and integrity. The most important acts of 
rnraent were generally sanctioned by an assembly 
of the people, or plebiaus ; particularly acts relative to 
peace or war, the raising of money, the appointment of 
phi and the election of the mouarch. 

But the kings, and especially Tarquin, had, in a great 

here used in its popular M-nse, to represent 

* » rm. 



ROME. 133 

measure, acted independently of all these salutary checks. 
To avoid these inconveniencies the kingly office was 
now abolished ; and, in the place of it, two offices were 
created styled consuls : their power was nearly as great 
as that of the king; but the division of it, and the fre* 
queucy of election, which was once a year, were consid. 
ered as sufficient checks. Junius Brutus and Collatinus, 
the husband of the celebrated Lucretia, were first cho- 
sen consuls. 

This new form of government had like to have perish- 
ed almost in the moment of its formation. The deposed 
monarch found means to organize a dangerous conspira- 
cy among the young nobility of Rome ; the object of 
which was to effect a counter revolution, and replace 
himself on the throne : and the brave and patriotic Bru- 
tus had the unhappiness to discover that two of his sons 
were among the ringleaders in this daring plot. The 
nature of his office compelled him to sit in judgment up- 
on them ; and while, in this deeply interesting scene, all 
the spectators were melted into tears, in him the most 
powerful pleas of natural affection were overruled by a 
sense of duty ; the parent was lost in the judge, and the 
agonies of parental sensibility disregarded before the tri- 
bunal of public justice. He pronounced sentence upon 
his sons, condemning them to death. 

But this great man did not live long to enjoy either 
the liberty which he procured for his country, or the 
honors which he so justly merited. Tarquin, failing to 
recover his throne by intrigue, next attempted it by arms. 
He prevailed on the Veians, a neighboring state, to es- 
pouse his cause, and to furnish him with an army. Of 
this army he took the command, and gave the cavalry to 
be commanded by A runs, his son. They were met by 
the consul with an equal force, and a general battle was 
fought, in which the Romans claimed the victory, al- 
though dearly bought; for, together with a number of 
their bravest citizens, the illustrious Brutus fell, in the 
first of the action. Aruns, the son of Tarquin, had sin- 
gled him out, and they encountered each ether with such 
fury that both were slain, and fell dead together by mu- 
tual wounds. The Veians, sufficiently humbled by this 
rebuke, were willing to make peace. 

Bat of all the enemies whom Tarquin brought against 









una. the king of Etnma. was the ru- 
formidable. This prince who 11 probably, 01 

of the most powerful in Italy, si From moti 

p have been willing to 
the Roman's. To him Tarquiu applied: and \\ 
furnished with a force which at first hie) fair to re- 
him on his throne. 

Porsenna marched immediately towards Home, at the 
head of a powerful army; and meeting with no res 
tanee. he laid siege to the city. After several furious 

;iu Its and sallies the siege was terminated by one of 
those singular events which strongly mark the savage I 
voeity and wonderful patriotism of the heroic ages. The. 
length ^and strictness of the siege had reduced the city to 
the utmost distress of famine, when Mutius, a Roman 
youth of the most daring courage and desperate resolu- 
tion, approached the camp of Porsenna, and finding 
cess to the place where the king stood with some of his 
officers, he made up to the group, and stabbed the per- 
son whom he supposed to be the king, to the heart : but 
it was the king's secretary. Mutius was seized, and it 
was demanded of him who he was, and what were his 
i;!is. He told them that he was a Roman, and that 
there were three hundred Roman youths, who, like him- 
self, had determined to effect the king's destruction. 
" Therefore/' said he, u prepare for their attempts: and 
you shall see that tin? Romans know how to suffer 
well as to act/" 1 At this he thrust his hand into the fire, 
and suffered it to burn with great composui 

Porsenna, amazed at such intrepid bravery. \\ 
ed with a lit of generosity quite as ei lie and ex- 

ordinary, and ordered him to be conducted hack to 
Rome, and at the same time offered the ! idi- 

tions of pe:u . which they accepted, and a period v 
put to the war. 

The Romtfn commonwealth, in every pavt of its du- 
rati fitly h 

divisions, in trig bd they 

•led by the medial ion of the swoi 
thoi civil war. Tk 

ificd and soon- 
•ted in martial exercises: and could only be cc 



KOME. 1S5 

trolled by martial law : of course theirs was in most 
cts a military government. 

Ten years from the commencement of the Roman re- 
public, Largius was appointed first dictator. The title 
itself explains the general nature of this office. The 
dictator was clothed with power to dictate, i. e. to direct 
all the branches, and all the officers of the government. 
His power was sovereign and absolute as that of the 
most unlimited monarch. He was only chosen in times 
of difficulty and danger, when the utmost energy of the 
state was to be exerted ; and his power expired at the 
end of a certain period. 

Soon after the invasion of Porsenna, and 15 years 
from the expulsion of Tarquin, a contention arose be- 
tween the senate and the people, which gave rise to the 
appointment of Tribunes. These were officers chosen 
annually from among the people. They were clothed 
with considerable powers, and were designed as the im- 
mediate guardians of the people against the power of the 
senate and consuls. They were at first five, and after- 
wards ten in number ; and seats were prepared for them 
near the doors of the senate house ; and they were at 
times called in to ratify the laws which were passed in 
the senate. 

The most eminent character found in the first part of 
the annals of the ancient republic of Rome is that of 
Quintus Cincinnatus. His chief services were in the 
year 295 from the building of the city, and in the 50th 
from the fall of Tarquin. We have already mentioned 
the frequent disputes and divisions which prevailed 
between the two orders of Roman citizens. These which 
ran high on all occasions, had but a little time before this, 
like to have rent in pieces and extinguished the repub- 
lic forever. The popularity, banishment, wars, restor- 
ation and death of Coriolanus, so famous in the Roman 
history, cannot have a place in this brief narration. 
Those events, while they distraeted the councils and ex- 
hausted the resources of Rome, emboldened her ene 
mics to make new aggressions. 

The forces of iEqui and Volsci had invaded the Ro- 
man territories — had surrounded and were like to de 
stroy the consul Minutius and his army; who inadver- 
tently suffered himself to be pent in between two 



136 HOME. 

mountains, whence he could not retreat hut hy encoun- 
tering the enemy. At the same time political disputes 
irere carried on with such warmth at Home, that most 
men were wholly ruled hy the most violent party spirit. 
All union and energy were lost, and the more discerning 
saw the ruin of the commonwealth impending. The Ro- 
mans had, on a former occasion, experienced the great 
virtue and authority of Cinciunaius. To him, thei 
all eyes were now turned, as the most suitable instru- 
ment for delivering their country. 

In the 50th year from the expulsion of Tarquin a sol- 
emn legation was sent to i\. Cinciunatus, from the sen- 
ate, to invest him with the sovereign powers of dictator. 
They found him industriously laboring in his field. He 
had a farm, consisting only of a few acres, which he 
cultivated with his own hands, for the support of his 
family. On the arrival of the senatorial message h% 
showed some concern for the neglect with which he 
should be obliged to treat his plantation, but showed no 
marks of vanity or pride at his sudden elevation. He 
took leave of his family with apparent regret and repair- 
ed to the capitol. He immediately nominated, as a cap- 
tain of his cavalry, Tarquitius, a man in similar cir- 
cumstances, and of like character with himself. 

He issued his orders with mildness, but with such 
authority, dignity and decision as none can assume ex- 
cepting those great and vigorous spirits which are form- 
ed for command. He gave orders that every citizen 
who could bear arms should appear before sunset in the 
Campus Martius, with arms and provisions for five days. 
His orders were obeyed; and an army was immediately 
assembled. At their head the dictator began his march 
that evening; and before day, came within sight of the 
hostile army. As they approached the enemy's camp 
Cincinnatus ordered his men to give a loud shout ; which 
was heard by the blockaded army, and understood to 
be a token that relief was near. The enemy, finding 
themselves between two armies, prepared for battle. A 
severe engagement ensued : but the bravery and conduct 
of the dictator procured the Romans a complete victory. 
The spoils of the enemy's camp were valuable ; these 
Cinciunatus ordered to be divided among his own army, 
•wing the army which he had liberated to 



ROME. 137 

share with them in any thing ; holding it as a maxim, 
that, as they could not defend themselves, they merited 
nothing. 

But, what is regarded as most remarkable in this 
transaction, Cincinnatus, though a poor man, took no- 
thing of all the wealth of which he had the control and 
distribution, to himself. Nor would he accept any thing 
from the senate, who regarded him as the deliverer of 
his country ; and, from gratitude for his important ser- 
vices, would gladly have bestowed upon him the richest 
presents. Very many have celebrated, but very few 
have imitated his virtues. He was satisfied with the 
consciousness of ha\ing done his duty, and justly mer- 
ited a great and lasting fame. 

The year 302 from the building of the city, and about 
sixty from the commencement of the republic, may be 
considered as an important era in the history of Rome. 
The contentions between the various orders of the state, 
for privilege, prerogative, and power, still raged without 
intermission, till, at length, about this period, all parties., 
growing weary of these disturbances, united in an expe- 
dient which at once shows the wisdom and greatness of 
the Roman character. They unanimously determined 
on introducing a body of written laws ; whose influence 
might prevent as well as punish crimes, and especially 
that thereby the decisions of the magistrates might be 
governed by known and fixed principles. 

Posthumius, Sulpicius, and Manlius, three senators 
of high rank, whom the suffrage of the Roman people 
had declared worthy of so great a trust, were immedi- 
ately sent to Athens and other Greek cities, to consult 
their laws — to extract from them a code of such as were 
most approved, and report them to their fellow -citizens 
in due time. In the course of a year this business was 
accomplished. These embassadors returned, and brought 
with them a body of laws which they had selected from 
the most celebrated systems of Greece. These were 
formed into ten tables, two others being sometime after 
added, making the number twelve. This was that fa- 
mous code of laws known by the name of the a laws of 
the twelve tables." Many fragments of this body of 
laws remain until the present time. 

8 



138 ROME. 

Nations iu general when they enjoy good governm 
and excellent laws resemble a body in perfect health — 
a body in which the various animal and vital functions 
an i complete and vigorous. This now began to he the 
condition of Rome. Though it had not experienced 
much increase of territory, vet its numbers, strength. 
experience and wisdom, were fast rising lo power and 
conquest. It must not, however, be understood that 
Rome was yet free from political disputes, or even from 
outrageous infractions of law and justice. That time she 
was destined never to see. 

When the laws of the twelve tables were adopted, a 
new kind of magistracy was created. Ten persons cal- 
led Decemviri, were appointed to see to the administra- 
tion of government, and to enforce the authority of the 
laws. Their reign was of short duration : it began well, 
but ended in disgrace and misfortune. The term of 
their administration ended in the consummate villainy of 
Appius, one of their number, and in the affecting story 
of Virginius and his daughter ; for which the reader 
must be referred to the Roman history. To them suc- 
ceeded another kind of magistrates, called military tri- 
bunes; and these were again succeeded by consuls, ac- 
cording to the first form of the republic. 

Hut it would be improper, in this work, to attempt to 
trace the 1 toman government through its tortuous course, 
or to enter into the various controversies of those early 
times. Whoever expects to find a free government 
without continual disputes, divisions, intrigues, innova- 
tions, and revolutions, must be a stranger to the human 
character as displayed in the history of nations. Where 
all power and authority originate with the people, and. 
are under the control and direction of their suffrage, there 
is too wide and alluring a prospect for ambitious men to 
neglect. They never did neglect it, and they never will. 

After Cincinnatus the Roman history presents us with 

no character worthy of particular notice, till the times of 

the illustrious Camillus ; nor with any considerable 

till the formidable invasion of Rome by the 

Gau Is, under the command of lirennus. This will < 

forward through a period of about sixty years, 
during which, however, the Roman state had made con- 
siderable advances in population, territory, and the art 



ROME. 139 

of war. Caniillus had yielded the most important ser- 
vices to the state — had conquered several cities, and by 
a long course of conduct had risen to the highest honors 
among his contryinen. This was sufficient to draw 
down upon him a storm of envy and jealousy which all 
his wisdom, power, and popularity could not sustain. 
The tribunes, always turbulent and clamorous, and of- 
ten unjust and cruel, roused the public resentment against 
him by pretending that he had embezzled and secreted 
much of the plunder taken in the city of Veii: and they 
appointed a day on which he was to appear before the 
people in his own defence. Conscious of his innocence, 
yet disdaining the mortifying indignity of sustaining a 
public trial before a people whom he had laid under 
such high obligations, and whose resentment he knew 
had rather sprung from their envy of his virtue than 
from any other cause; he took leave of his friends, and 
evaded the approaching storm by going into voluntary 
exile.) 

The triumph of the tribunes and the plebians on the 
fall of this great man was of short duration. A storm 
far more terrible menaced the whole state than he had 
fled to escape. 

We have, in a former chapter, had occasion to men- 
tion the Schythian hordes, which in ancient times, in- 
habited the wilds of Europe and Asia — which, like an 
inundation, at various times flowed down upon the 
more civilized nations; or, like swarms of locusts, 
seemed to darken the sun and the air. The ancient in^ 
habitants of Germany and France resembled them in 
those respects, in which they were most formidable. 
France was then called Gaul. The Gauls were men of 
great size and strength : they were exceeding bold, 
fierce, and terrible in war : it is said that even a glance 
of their eye was so terrible as to dismay and affrighten 
armies. A numerous body of these had, two centuries 
before this, crossed the Alps and settled in the northern 
parts of Italy ; and had long been a terror to all the 
country. Brennus, their warlike chieftain, was at this 
time at their head, besieging Clusium, a city of Etruria. 

The martial spirit of the Romans being roused at so 
near an approach of this hostile nation, and being ear 
nestly solicited by that city to send them aid, dispatch 



140 

t<) Brennus, to demand of him what 
*<]( that city. The Gaul sternly replied 
alient meu lay in their swords;?' and 
uided. in r. turn, what righl the Romans had to the 
they had conquered. Tli 
(1 with the haughty style of Brennus, and most 
italy, on this occasion either forgetful or ignoraut of 
their duty, immediately entered the city, and took an ac- 
tive part in the war. 

Brennus was enraged at the conduct of the embassa- 
dors, and forthwith raising the siege of Clusium, he 
marched directly to Home, probably glad of a pretence 
for effecting a preconcerted measure. 

Rome had now stood 3(5 i years, and had been are- 
public 111). Its territories were considerably extended; 
and the citj itself was become oppulent, splendid and pow- 
erful. The neighboring cities had fallen under its pow- 
er, and those more distant were willing either to pay ho- 
for their independence, or seek the alliance of the 
The Gallic king could not but believe, that 
if he conquered Koine, the empire of Italy would follow 
of course : and perhaps one much greater. It will be 
remembered that the Gauls, about this time, attempted 
both Greece and Asia, and that with considerable suc- 
From the former they were expelled by Sosthenes, 
and from the latter by Antiochus Soter ; as noticed in 
v of Greece and Syria. 
The Komans were apprised of the approaching dan- 
it an army, composed of the flower of their 
iblie, to meet and oppose the Gauls. An obstinate 
md bloo le was fought, in which the Romans were 

litter! .md their army destroyed. Brennus, 

'Mated with aud still breathing revenge and fury, 

continued his march towards Rome. In a word, he en- 
tered the city without resistance, burnt it to the ground, 
and put the inhabitants to the sword. Nothing seemed 
mow to remain of the Roman state capable of defending 
itsi If, but the celebrated capitol ;\\hcre a body of the 
of the Romans held oul .(gainst every effort of 
the Gauls. — Brennus at length grew weary of the 
id proposed to the Romans, that if they would 
him one thousand pounds weight of gold, lie would 
v off his army and give them no further trouble. 



ROME. 141 

They accepted the proposal, and the gold was produced : 
hut while it was weighing, some of the Gauls attempted 
to kick the beam, to prevent a just weight. The Komans 
complained of so flagrant an injustice ; but Brennus im- 
mediately cast his sword into the balance, and gave 
them to understand that their complaints would be use- 
less — that they must think of nothing but compliance* 
to the will of their imperious conqueror. 

At that moment intelligence was brought that Camil- 
lus, the general whom they had so unjustly banished, 
was approaching at the head of an army. He had heard 
of the calamities of bis country : and, having raised a 
body of forces, was so fortunate as to arrive at that crit- 
ical moment, when his presence was necessary, and his 
exertions effectual to the salvation of his country. Ca- 
millus entered the place where the business was trans- 
acting, and immediately ordered the Romans to take 
back the gold whence it was brought ; telling Brennus, 
with an air as haughty as that of the barbarian, that the 
Romans were in the use not to purchase peace with mo- 
ney, but with iron. 

The presence of this great man revived the drooping 
spirits of his countrymen. They rallied round his 
standard; and encountering the barbarians with the 
most resolute bravery, defeated and almost entirely cut 
them off: and thus Rome was delivered from the most 
dangerous enemy, if we except Hannibal, that she was 
to see for many ages. 

The Roman people, in these ancient times, exhibited 
the strangest mixture of bravery, superstition, barbarity, 
discipline, enthusiasm, levity and wisdom. They were 
continually engaged in war, aHd were generally success 
fill. But the dreadful . chastisement they received from 
the hand of Brennus and the Gauls, was attended by 
consequences as lasting as deplorable. Their territo- 
ries, still but small, were ravaged — their city laid in 
ashes — many of their bravest men killed in batttle, and 
their resources, severely drained, though not exhausted : 
for their resources, as yet, were not money, nor strong 
fortresses, nor large territories, nor numbers, nor power- 
ful allies. Their resources consisted in firm, determin- 
ed spirits — great snuls, fearless of danger or of death — 
minds strong, bold, intrepid and persevering. To brave 



ROME. 

danger was to them the field of glory; and their only al- 
ternative was death or victory. They enjoyed victory 
or endured defeat with equal moderation : and this they 
were able to do beyond any other nation, because nature 
had endowed them with independent, unconquerable 
minds, and with invincible bravery and magnanimity. 

After the invasion of the Gauls, they rose more expe- 
rienced, more warlike — more formidable than ever. We 
soon see them engaged in a war with the Samnites, the 
most powerful nation then in Italy. This war lasted 
many years, and was attended with various turns of for- 
tune ; and when it was like to have terminated in com- 
plete victory and triumph on the side of the Romans, an 
event took place which seemed once more to threaten 
the existence of the Roman nation. 

The Samnites, overpowered by the hravery and dis- 
cipline of the Romans, sent for aid to Pyrrhus, the cele- 
brated king of Epirus, of whom we have already taken 
some notice. It was generally thought impossible for 
the Romans to contend successfully with this great com- 
mander, lie had been formed in the art of war, upon 
the maxims and examples of Alexander and Rpaminon- 
da« : and notwithstanding the degeneracy of the Greeks 
and Asiatics, from whom the military spirit had long 
since departed, had been able to inspire the armies he 
commanded with his own heroic virtues. He had found 
no equal in Egypt or Asia. Happy would it have heen 
for him, had he pursued more closely the footsteps of 
Alexander, and especially had he kept at a distance 
from Italy ; though even that might not have saved him 
from a collision with the growing power of the Romans. 

Pyrrhus immediately prepared to answer the request 
of the Samnites. lie embarked from Epirus, with an 
army of twenty thousand foot and three thousand horse, 
and (unity elephants : but in crossing the Adriatic sea, 
ids I! dispersed in a storm, ami many of his ves- 

ere lost. Although his armament was greatly di- 
rainished, he still thought the remnant more than a match 
for the rude and barbarous people of Italy. His judg- 
ment of the Romans was probably not dissimilar to that 
d of the American people before the revolutionary 
which time sonic imagined that a few thousand 
;r troops would strike an awe through the continent 



ROME. 143 

and that the semi-barbarians of the colonies would nev- 
er dare to face disciplined and veteran troops. 

But Pyrrhus found the Romans not so rude and bar- 
barous as he expected. The first view he had of theii 
military order and skill struck him with surprise ; and 
the first victory he gained, in all probability, utterly ex- 
tinguished his hopes of subduing the Romans. Jt is 
worthy of remark how differently the Romans received 
this invasion of Pyrrhus, from what the Persians did 
that of Alexander. Pyrrhus found the Romans ready 
to receive him ; and when he offered to mediate be- 
tween them and the Samnites, lie was answered by Lae- 
viuus, the consul, that the Roman people neither respect- 
ed him as a mediator, nor feared him as an enemy. 

The first battle was fought on the banks of the river 
Lyris. Pyrrhus drew up his army with the utmost skill ; 
nor was there a want of skill and discernment in the 
order and movements of the Romans : and here was first 
seen contrasted the Grecian phalanx with the Roman le- 
gion : nor have the ablest taciticians been positive in de- 
termining which, on all accounts, was preferable. The 
loose array of the legion gave celerity to its evolutions, 
and certainly admitted of various conveniencies ; but the 
close and firm strength of the phalanx, by condensing 
the physical force, rendered its impression more certain, 
and its shock more dreadful. 

The field, on both parts, was managed with great 
skill, and was fought with the most determined bravery. 
Motives of safety and of honor wrought powerfully with 
both generals, and both armies : and it is probable that 
few battles have been more severe. But the Greeks at 
Jeugth prevailed ; and Pyrrhus by the aid of his ele- 
phants, which were sent among the Romans, gained a 
complete victory. The Romans were put to flight, 
leaving fifteen thousand men dead on the field of battle. 
But the. loss of Pyrrhus was not much inferior : inso- 
much that, while some were congratulating him on ac- 
count of his victory, he is said pathetically to have eac- 
daimed^that another such victory would ruin him. 

Pyrrhus once more tried the virtue of aegoeiation. 
He sent Cineas, a man of great eloquence, who had been 
the scholar of Demosthenes, embassador to Rome. But 
'his nHomnt, like the former, was without success. The 



144 

Roman- deaf to all proposals oi inundation 

short of Pyrrhus' retiring out of Italy. Neither elo- 
quence nor bribery — neither threats nor persuasions, 
eon Id produce any e fleet on that haughty, determined 
people. The Avar was therefore renewed with gr» 
vigor on both sides ; and various battles were fought, 
with more success to the Romans ;till at length Pyrrhu- 
was totally defeated and his army cut in pieces, diving 
up all hopes, therefore, of effecting any thing gainst so 
brave and powerful an enemy, he was forced to embark 
iu haste, and leave his allies to the inevitable fate of 
subjugation to the victorious Romans. Pyrrhus, how- 
ever left a garrison in the city of Tarentum, and advised 
the Tarentines to support their cause with what vigor 
they could, till he could have time to levy more forces in 
Greece and return. But he probably had little expec- 
tation of ever returning to those shores where he had ex- 
perienced so severe a reverse of fortune. It is certain 
he never did return; nor did he ever seem to recover the 
current of his former good fortune. 

The Tarentines, who had been the principal leaders 
in the war of the Samnites, were now left to struggle 
with the Romans ; nor would the struggle have been long, 
bad they not made application for aid to another foreign 
power. While the garrison left by Pyrrhus tyrannized 
in the city, and the Romans were masters of the country 
round them, they applied to the Carthaginians for succor, 
as their last and only resort. 

We have already made mention of the Carthaginians. 
As early as the invasion of Greece by Xerxes, they were 
powerful both by sea and land ; and furnished, accord- 
ing to some writers, an army of 300,000 men,, who op v 
crated iu conjunction with the Persians. They v. 
willing, it appears, to interfere with the Romans, of 
whose growing power they had long since been jealous. 
They soon drew a powerful fleet into the harbor of Ta- 
rentum, with a view to check the progress of the Roman 
arms. It had not, however, the di The Ro- 

mans found means to corrupt and brii he garrison 

to their o Mice eity was 

taken, its \ d fortiflcatio lied, and the in- 

habitan J their liberty* and • >n from 

^he Rom 



ROME. 145 

The military spirit, as we have seen in the former part 
of this compend, passed from the Assyrians to the Per- 
sians — from them to the Greeks, and from the Greeks to 
the Carthaginians. Though the origins of Rome and 
Carthage, according to many writers, were not very far 
distant asunder, in point of time, yet the latter rose first 
lo consequence : and while Rome was only a single city, 
and the Romans an obscure horde, the Carthaginians, by 
their fleets, kept the shores of the Mediterranean in awe, 
possessed the island of that sea — had, in fact, passed the 
straits of Gibraltar— coasted down the African peninsu- 
la, and up the shores of Europe, through the British 
channel ; and, it is thought, had reached the coasts of 
Norway, if not even the shores of the Baltic sea. They 
form one of the numerous proofs, and one not the least 
splendid, of the power and consequence which commerce 
will give a nation. 

We shall here digress a moment, by giving a brief 
sketch of the rise and greatness of Carthage; a power 
which held a long and doubtful contest with Rome for 
empire ; nor would she have failed in that contest, if 
while her fleets and armies were victorious abroad, she 
had not been weakened by disunion, and rent by factions 
at home. 

Carthage was founded by a colony from the ancient 
Phoenicia, a country lying at the east end of the Medi- 
terranean sea, whose chief cities were Tyre and Sidon. 
If we might rely on Virgil's authority, this famous city 
was founded by Dido, the sister-in-law of Pygmalion, 
king, of Tyre, about the time of the destruction of Troy. 
According to the story of the Latin poet, iEneas, the 
Trojan prince, who had escaped the ruins of hi9 country, 
was driven by a storm on the coast of Africa, and there 
had an interview with Dido, the founder and queen of 
Carthage. 

That virtuous and lovely queen, whose constancy to 
the memory of her husband Sichaeus, even surpassed the 
fame of Penelope, received the fugitive Trojans, rescued 
them from the utmost distress, and protected them from 
the barbarous customs of the hostile people on whose 
shores they were cast. To reward her for this, a plot 
was laid in heaven, among the principal deities, for her 
destruction. Cupid the «;od of love, was sent down to 

T 



i 1G ROME. 

be form of Ascanius, the -<»n of jEueas, to in 
flame the passions of Dido, while Venus leut all her aid 
to the hero himself. So soon as the powers of heaven 
combined, had enabled him to triumph in the most com- 
plete seduction of his benefactress, Mcrcurv conies flying 
down in all haste to apprise him that it i^ now time, to be 
gone* And, like all other villians, whose triumph ftver 
innocence is followed with indifference and disgust, he 
The queen, unable to bear his enormous 
ttitude and peerless atrocity, kills herself in despair. 
Did it accord with the temper and genius of Virgil to 
make his favorite hero the instrument of such distress and 
action to innocence and virtue? Did he think it 
would do honor to the. gods of his country to father up- 
on them as dark a plot as ever was fabricated in hell? 
Did he think it would be an additional gem in the dia- 
dem of JKneas, to make him trample on the virti 
the Tyriau queen ? Or, in a word, did he imagine, that, 
by the introduction of his wonted machinery, a veil of 
sanctity would be thrown over the whole, and covt ; 
its deformiti 

Hat, though. it would seem extraordinary that Virgil 
should, through ignorance or choice, fall into such a 
glaring anachronism, yet it is certain that the best au- 
thorities place the founding of Carthage at a great dis 
tanee from the destruction of Troy. According to the 
opinion of the learned Rochart, the city of Carthage 
built about the time of Joshua's conquest of Canaan. 
The territories of Tyre and Sidon w ere allotted to the 
of Asher : and many of the Phoenicians, at that 
time to avoid a war of extermination, went on board their 
ght for new establishments. A company 
of them landed and made :> settlement on the African 
shore, a few miles from where the city of Tunis now 
s<;hh1s. There they laid the foundation of Cartha 
Dut - two centuries ami a half before the 

of Troy* Dochart, in this opinion, has followed the 
lent authorities; and he has been followed by 
bronologers since his time, who, more 
fix the emigration of Dido to the African shore nearly 
■ud a half after the Trojan war. 
The Ci uded from a people whom 

d extensive commerre. had rendered en- 



ROME. 147 

terprising and bold, followed the footsteps, and soon 
weut far beyond their mother country. Their commerce, 
which embraced almost every species of traffic, extended 
to all parts of the known world. Their ships were in 
the Mediterranean and iled seas, and in many parts of 
the Indian and Atlantic oceans. 

But we cannot notice here their wars and revolutions. 
They seem however not to have interfered much with the 
great monarchies of Asia; and it is certain that their 
power by sea was, in general, their security against in- 
vasion. The first notice we have taken of them was in 
the invasion of Greece by Xerxes. Him they furnished 
with an army to invade Sicily ; which invasion, by means 
of weakness in the directing head, proved unfortunate in 
all its parts. But Sicily, however, and most other isl- 
ands in the Mediterranean, soon after that invasion, fell 
under the power of Carthage. 

Under the name of a republic, the Carthaginians were 
generally governed by a set of powerful men, who never 
wanted for means to procure their own appointment ta 
the most important offices. Nor can it be said that Car- 
thage ever enjoyed the free and independent spirit of 
Rome. 

The government and policy of the Carthaginians, as 
indeed of all the ancient nations, was interwoven with 
their religion. For the sake of illustrating this by exam- 
ple, I have inserted a passage from Rollings Ancient 
History, which he has taken from Polybius. The pas- 
sage is found in the words of a treaty between the Car- 
thaginiaus and the king of Macedon, and will show us 
the solemn manner in which their treaties were entered 
into. " This treaty was concluded in the presence of 
Jupiter, Juno, and Apollo; in the presence of Daimonos, 
of the Carthaginians, of Hercules, and Iolaus ; in the 
presence of Mars, Triton, and Neptune ; in the presence 
of all the confederate gods of the Carthaginians, and of 
the sun moon and earth ; in the presence of the rivers, 
meads and waters ; in the presence of all those gods 
who possess Carthage." 

The government of Carthage, much like that of the 
Roman republic consisted of three orders. The Suffetes, 
of which there were two, auswered in most particulars 
to the consuls of Rome. They were appointed annually, 



148 KB. 

and are called sometimes kings, dictators or cons 
their power was great. The Senate consisted of men 
remarkable tor wisdom and prudence, and formed 
thru council of state. Their number is not known. 
The whole body of the people composed the lower order. 
But (he people generally submitted all mattei em- 

inent to the senate. Towards the conquest of Cart h 
however, b\ the Romans, the people grew turbulent, 
factious and rebellious, and being led by aspiring dema- 
gogues, they interfered and finally subverted the state. In 
general, their government was sufficiently virtuous to give 
security to private property, and consequently to pro- 
mote industry and enterprise, : but it was frequently cruel, 
tyrannical, tumultuary and impolitic. When Hannibal 

upon the point of conquering Rome, a faction in the 
senate of Carthage ruined him. But there must be a 
cause for the dissolution of all governments, states and 
empires. Even Rome, after having flourished her day, 
fell into disorder, confusiou, weakness and ruin. 

The Romans were now masters of Italy ; an extensive, 
fertile, and in many parts, a populous country. We have 
now no means of coming at the probable number of in- 
habitants ; but Italy now sustains twenty millions of peo- 
ple, notwithstanding the great degeneracy of morals, and 
want of industry which prevail in that country. From 
various circumstances which attract our notice in the 
Punic war, we may safely conclude that Italy then con- 
t'd several millions of people. 
The resources of the two powers we are now consi- 
dering were very different, but very great. Carthage, by 
extensive and prosperous commerce, hud amassed the 
wealth of the world. She abounded in gold and silver, 
and in every species of valuable, elegant and luxurious 
merchandise. She had also an immense population. 
The northern shores of Africa were then the granary of 
the world : they were full of people — thi fhe fruit- 

ful nursery of armies; and the number of their vessels 
• us. But the Africans, at this time, were 
neither inebriated by luxury, nor yet enervated by their 

n climate, They had powerful armies ; and it was 

1 fortune to have a number of great generals, 

who were [» 1 in some essential 

ts of the militai i<t. They were crafty, in. 

.!, brave : ami esp< i ully they were impetuous and 
almost irresistible in their modes of attack. 



HOME. 149 

The Romans were as yet poor : they were actuated by 
patriotism and love of glory. Their courage was cool, 
but firm and unshaken ; and was always most thorough- 
ly roused by the greatest danger. They were inured to 
hardships, and were, in one word, a nation of soldiers : 
for, as Cine as told Pyrrhus%very one of their senators 
was fit for a king, so he might also have said, that every 
one of their soldiers was fit for a general officer. 

Such being the contending parties, it will not be 
thought extravagant when we observe, that the contest 
between Rome and Carthage was conducted with the 
firmest spirit, and the greatest resolution — that it was the 
most equally matched, and vigorously fought — in short, 
that it was the most severe, whether we regard the ex- 
tremity, extent, or duration of its operations — and the 
most illustrious, whether we regard the characters con- 
cerned, or the consequences to follow, of any one found 
in the annals of history : for, in this contest, the two 
greatest powers in the world were engaged ; and it was 
certain that whoever was victorious must remain without 
a rival. 

The expulsion of Pyrrhus from Italy, and reduction 
of the Samnites and Tarentum, completed the subjuga- 
tion of Italy and left the Romans masters of the garden 
of Europe. They must now find new fields of glory. 
The prospect northward was uninviting : there lay the 
Alps and the fierce nations of Gaul. Eastward lay Greece, 
separated from them by the Adriatic sea, which was pos 
sessed by the fleets of Carthage. Sicily divided from 
them only by a narrow strait, allured them by its immense 
riches, and was easy of access ; but there the grasping 
power of Carthage had already unfurled its victorious 
standard. 

Hiero, king of Syracuse, was engaged in a war with 
the Mamertines, a small Sicilian state ; and being hardly 
pressed, he called in the Carthaginians to his aid, who 
presently furnished him with prompt assistance by sea 
and land. The Mamertines, seeing themselves thus over- 
matched, immediately sent to the Roman senate, and put 
themselves under the protection of the Romans. The se- 
nate, still mindful of the interference of the Carthagi- 
nians in the siege of Tarentum. determined now on a 
trial of strength, and without further delay, declared war 



ROM 

Thus commenced what is commonly 
Punic v 
It was soon perceived by the Roman- thai \an- 

they might gain in Sicily over tloir adv( 
lid neither be very important, nor permanent, soloug 
me masters of the sets. A* chimerical a> it might 
er mined to remove this impediment. Their 
peninsula furnished them with numberli 
harbors — their forests afforded them timber — theirgenius 
promised tl 11, and their hardy sons might easily 

icn. About the same time a Car- 
thagini sel railing into their hands, they took it as 

their model and went withou to building a fleet. 

Fn a short time a ieet was built and equipped for sea. Of 
this naval armament Duillius took the command : and im- 
mediately putting to <ea. he encountered and defeated 
one of the principal fleets of Carthage, sinking or de- 
stroying fifty of their ships. A victory so brilliant and 
ted. and achieved by the infant navy of Rome, 
gave mankind new ideas of the capacity and genius of 
Roman people. But we cannot descend to a minute 
detail of particular events. The Romans having gained 
eral advantages both by sea and land, determined 
without delay to carry the war into Africa, in hopes of 
terminating it by one decisive effort. 

They soon fitted out a fleet more powerful than the for- 
mer, and prepared to make a descent upon the coast of Af- 
rica. Tliis army was commanded by rlegulus, at that time 
tsidered the greatest general in Rome : a man eminent 
for . and all the virtues of the patriot 

am Itegulus was no sooner at sea than he was met 

by the fleets of Carthage. A battle ensued, in which the 
off' with complete victory and triumph. 
They landed, an I of 

obtained a signal • 
many t< I <ities 

Such a - ere 

del 

stonishmenC; and il >prehended that the 

would immediately complete i [ueat of 

hould be remembered that the I <»f these 

ly written by Roman pei 



ROME. 151 

lowance must therefore be made for such glosses and co- 
lorings as might be expected from a people unwilling to 
acknowledge the military merit of other nations. The 
Carthaginians, in this extremity, sent to Lacedemon, and 
requested Xantippus, a celebrated Grecian general, to 
command their armies. Their request was complied 
with : and the almost desperate affairs of Carthage assu- 
med a new form. 

This brave and gallant commander soon appeared at 
the head of an army — gave battle to the Romans — de- 
feated them with dreadful slaughter, and Regulus, the 
Roman general, was taken prisoner. It is remarked by 
some that events either fortunate or disastrous seldom 
come alone. This remark holds good in the present 
case : and fortune seemed now willing, for a while, to 
shift sides. The Roman senate, almost at once, received 
intelligence of the loss of Regulus and his army — of the 
total loss of their fleet in a storm at sea, and of the 
capture of Agrigentum, their chief town in Sicily, by 
Kasthalo, the Carthaginian general : and having put 
another fleet to sea, it was also driven ashore and 
wrecked in a storm. 

It may be presumed that the fleets of those times were 
but poorly built and equipped to resist the dangers of the 
sea ; and if to this idea we add that of their ignorance 
of the art of navigation, it is matter of wonder how r they 
accomplished what they certainly did on the sea. To 
perform long voyages without a compass must be attended 
with continual perplexity and danger. The Romans 
discovered this to their cost: and Eutropius remarks that 
they were so disgusted and chagrined with these dis- 
asters at sea, that they in a measure abandoned for evei 
all naval enterprises. But their prosperity on the land 
was ultimately more than a counterbalance. They 
always, however, had ships enough to transport their 
armies wherever they wished to send them ; and they 
did in fact after this gain several victories over the Car 
thaginians at sea. 

Regulus, in the mean time, was thrown into a dun 
geon, where he lay some years, while the war progress- 
ed with vigour, but with no material advantage on either 
side. At length, however, as the bravery of the Ro 
mans was fatigued, and the treasures of Carthaee no 



tj2 HOME. 

exhausted, the Carthaginians thought it a favqura- 
imc to propose conditions of peace. Together With 
their own ambassadors, they also sent Regulus home 
upon parole of honour — exacting from him a promise 
that he would return, provided the Romans did not ac- 
cept of their conditions. The conduct of Regulus, on 
this occasion, has hcen justly celebrated through all 
. Although he knew that the severest 
d his return to Carthage, yet. as the 
guardian of the honour of his country, he suffered no 
private, consideration to influence his conduct. He 
strenuously opposed a peace hut upon terms as humbling 
to Carthage as they were advantageous and honourable 
to Rom 

The great and noble spirit he manifested revived the 
courage of his countrymen, and determined them to 
cute the war: hut as for hinisef he returned to 
Carthage, and was put to death with the most dreadful 
and lingering torments. This he foresaw, aud laid down 
his life voluntarily for the good of his country. Patriots 
like Regulus are as scarce as those are plenty, who, in 
the midst of the most pompous professions, would sell 
or sacrifice their country to advance their own private in- 
terest. 

After the death of Regulus, the affairs of Carthage 
experienced an evident and rapid decline ; and the Ro- 
man arms prevailed in all directions, till the ( 
oians found it necessary to make peace on the most dis- 
honorable terms. These were, that they should evacuate 
Sicily and the neighboring islands — give up all their 
prisoners and deserters without ransom — keep all their 
ships of war at a distance from the Romau dominions — 
never make war with the Roman allies — pay down a 
thousand talents of silver, and two thousand and two 
hundred more in ten years. To these conditions Car- 
acceded : and thus ended the first Punic war, in 
the year 513 from the building of the city. 

The Romans themselves were willing at this time to 
take 1 breath ; for though, in this war, they had generally 

bought ; 
and they often perceived the balance io fluctuate — some- 
time to turn against them. Indeed their scene of ope- 
rator — their exertions extreme and long con- 



ROME. 153 

tinued, in combatting a great and powerful people, who, 
though less warlike, certainly possessed superior resour- 
ces. At this period, while Rome enjoyed profound peace, 
and the temple of Janus was shut, several events took 
place strongly connected with the chain of causes which 
was to elevate her to the summit of empire and glory. 
A passion for elegant literature, for the first time, began 
now to appear : particularly the Grecian drama began 
to take place of the low, wretched and smutty satire, as 
it was called ; which hitherto had only been known at 
Rome ; and, from this period, the strong genius of Rome 
labored perpetually upon Grecian models. They never 
could equal their masters in dramatic composition ; but, 
in many other species of writing, they not only equalled, 
but excelled, and even merited the honor of inventing 
several of their own. 

Between the first and second Punic wars, the temple 
of Janus did not continue long shut. The fierce and 
barbarous nations of Gaul, judging it now a convenient 
time, when the Roman armies were disbanded, and the 
spirit of war seemed quiet, once more to make an attempt 
upon Italy, they crossed the Alps and poured down in 
an immense swarm into the fruitful country of Etruria. 
But they learned their error when too late. They were 
surrounded and cut in pieces almost to a man. Virido- 
marus, their king, was slain by the hand of the celebra- 
ted Marcellus, who was called the sword of Rome. They, 
as might be expected, begged and obtained a peace. 

The Carthaginians, who had been compelled by ne- 
cessity to accept the most inglorious terms of peace, were 
now measurably recovered from the calamities of an un- 
fortunate war, and determined once more on a trial of 
strength with the great and formidable power of Rome 
and they were, indeed, excited and roused to this mea- 
sure by one of the most extraordinary men who has ever 
appeared in the world. Hannibal, on whom the com- 
mand of the second Punic war devolved, had been, from 
his childhood a sworn enemy to the Romans. It is said 
that when he was but nine years old, his father, Hamil- 
car, whuwas himself a great and skilful general, caused 
him to take a solemn oath never to be in friendship with 
the Roman* 

U 



1&4 ROME. 

The Carthaginians began the war by besieging S 
untum, a city in Spain, in alliance with the Roman 
An embassy was immediately despatched to Carthage, 
complaining of this infraction of an existing treaty. — 
This remonstrance failing of success, both sides once 
more prepared for war, in a manner suited to the great 
ness of the contending parties^ 

Hannibal, who was then in Spain, sent a part of bis- 
forces into Africa — left another part under the command 
of Asdrnbal, his brother, to canyon the war in Spai 
and at the head of aboil! 50,000 select troops, and a 
formidable body of cavalry, as stated by Cornelias Ne- 
pos, he directed his march toward Italy. Out of Spa. 
he passed over the Pyrenean mountains into Gaul, whe 
he encountered and dispersed the barbarous and hosd 
tribes who made head against him. — He crossed 1 
Alps with his army, an enterprise, considering that it 
was performed in the dead of winter, truly stupendous 
and astonishing. Since the heroic achievements of 
Hercules, no army had ever crossed those lofty ridges, 
where vast declivities, frightful steeps, and drearr 
wastes, received in succession, the adventurous travel 
ler — where nature's roughest aspect derived additional 
horrors from the ravages of winter — and the frequent 
and desperate attacks of fierce sa . ssuing from the 

caverns and grottos of those inhospitable rocks, in- 
creased the dangers of every step. 

This arduous enterprise was accomplished in about two 
weeks, but with the loss of nearly half the army. But 
nothing could repress the ardour of Hannibal, lie was 
now ou the plains of Italy — he must conquer or die. 
The Romans, who carefully watched Hannil 
motions, received intelligence 1>\ iftest couriers. 

thai I of a powerful 

army. So bold an ended with 

im; eqnences, i 

at Home. Hut what could the Romans The l»ra\ 

nation in the world, skilled in the art of war by the cx- 
pcrien they had triumph* ne- 

in; 1 of Ills time, 

could l e them. And in a former war, 

they had, ; t tl s of Carthage, prescribed to 

conditions of peace. Rut now they were far more 
werful, by increase of numbeis, wealth and experience. 



ROME. 155 

But we cannot particularize the events of this war. 
Hannibal first defeated Scipio, who met him near the 
aver Po, with a numerous army, soon after he had en- 
red Italy. A few days after this he encountered 
another army, commanded by Sempronius, on the banks 
of the Trebia. This army he routed with great slaughter. 
The third army, commanded by Flaminius, he cut off 
^iear the lake of Thrasmeue. — The news of these suc- 
cessive defeats spread consternation and dismay through 
Italy ; and many of the cisalpine Gauls immediately de- 
clared for Hannibal, and flocked to his standard. And 
the Sicilians, who found that masters near at hand were 
more to be feared than at a distance, now generally 
showed a disposition to join the conqueror. 

In this alarming state of things, the mighty genius of 
Rome, which never failed to open to her new resources, 
suggested a mean of checking the rapid' progress of 
Hannibal. Fabius Maximus was appointed dictator — a 
man of great subtlety and craft, as well as an able and 
experienced commander. To him was committed, as to 
the last resort, the defence of the republic; and he 
undertook that arduous task, by a mode of warfare 
hitherto unknown to the Romans, but since their time 
often practised with success — and by no one more 
illustriously than by him who may be styled the shield 
of the American people. The Romans could bring no 
force into the field, which could stand before Hannibal : 
Fabius, therefore, endeavoured to keep out of his way, 
but to watch his motions — to hover about him — cut off 
his foraging parties — to disturb and weaken him by in- 
direct means — to harass at one time his van and at 
another his rear — and especially to let no opportunity 
slip of annoying him, or, as it might happen, of gaining 
a signal advantage. And in pursuing this system, he in 
fact gained several considerable advantages, and at 
length inclosed him in a place from whence he could not 
extricate himself without difficulty and danger. 

But no inclosures were sufficient long to detain him, 
whom no force could withstand when at liberty. By a 
stratagem he outwitted even Fabius, and gained once 
more the open country. And now the calamities of 
Rome seemed drawing towards their crisis. The com 
maud of Fabius expiring, Terentius Varro, a man of 



136 g ROM 

h, impetuous courage, was appointed in his place-, 
who advanced against Hannibal with 1)0,000 men, the 
flower and strength of Italy. Superiority of numlx i 
honour, shame, courage, the aucient fortune and glory 
of Rome — in short, resentment, rage, and despair, all 
seemed to unite their influence upon the minds of the 
Romans, and to lead them on to victory and \engean< 
They fought, and were cut in pieces almost to a man. 
Fifty, some say seventy thousand were left dead on the 
field of battle ; and it is said that three bushels of gold 
rings were sent to Carthage, which were drawn from 
the fingers of Roman knights. 

Hannibal has been generally, perhaps justly, censured 
for not immediately investing Rome. Indeed some 
historians relate that Maherbal, one of his principal 
officers, told him at the time, " that he knew how to 
conquer, but not how to improve his victory ; and that if 
be would march immediately to Rome, in three days 
they should sup in the capitol." It appears that Hanni- 
bal had at this time but about 40,000 foot forces, and not 
half that number of cavalry. If this be true, it would 
:n a sufficient reason for bis delaying the siege of 
Rome. Although many Romans had been killed in the 
war, jet there were vast numbers remaining ; and of 
their courage he had no reason to doubt. Had Carthage 
at this moment invaded Italy with several other armies — 
had she furnished Hannibal with three times the number 
of men he had, which she might have done, Rome 
might have been conquered. But while Hannibal was 
victorious in Italy, the government of Carthage was 
embarrassed, distracted, and rent by factions. 

Immediately after the battle of Cannae, Hannibal des- 
patched his brother Mago, to Carthage, to carry an ac- 
count of his decisive victory, and to demand more 
troops, in order to complete the reduction of Rome* 
Rut alas ! what can equal the blindness and rage of 
popular fury ? Hanno, a powerful demagogue in the 
senate of Carthage, ever bent on frustrating the measures 
of Hannibal, prevailed against the request of Mago. 
And although an order was given for the raising of 24,000 
foot and 4,000 horse, yet when those forces were levied 
in Spain, they were sent another way, and never acted 
in that direction where their aid would probably have 



ROME. 157 

enabled Hannibal to hp#& finish^fthe war. Nor is this 
the only instance where ambitions men have sacrificed 
their country, and even themselves to their own party 
views. 

Instead of admiring that Hannibal did not immediately 
conquer Rome, nothing, indeed, can be more astonish- 
ing than that he was able, with an army reduced to about 
34,000, to maintain his ground for many years. 

Hannibal, however, carried on the war, and kept 
possession of the finest parts of Italy, for upwards of 
fifteen years. But the country was large, and the Ro- 
mans taught by adversity and being fully recovered from 
their first consternation, found means to evade his 
impetuous valour, and make effectual opposition, with- 
out hazarding general battles. Rome owed its ultimate 
deliverance to several great men : Fabius, Marcellus, 
and Scipio, afterwards surnamed Africanus, led the 
Roman armies, and managed their affairs with equal 
courage and prudence. Though they could not drive 
Hannibal out of Italy, they lead armies into Spain and 
Sicily, and finally into Africa, where the war became 
so threatening that the Carthaginians were obliged to re- 
cal Hannibal to defend their own dominions. Hannibal 
returned, but too late : the Carthaginians were too far 
gone to be rescued by mortal prowess. 

Historians have generally allowed that Alexander was 
the first of warriors ; but if they allow the Romans to 
have been the most warlike of the ancient nations, it 
will be difficult to say why Alexander should take pre- 
cedency of Hannibal. What comparison could the 
Persians bear with the Romans ? Throw the Persians, 
whom Alexander conquered, into one scale, and the Ro- 
mans, whom Hannibal found in Italy, into the other, 
and how vast would be the difference ? Hannibal, it is 
true, did not conquer Italy : but what did he do ? — He 
defeated and nearly destroyed five principal armies in 
succession. His own army was not large, nor was it 
recruited. The Gauls, and other people in Italy who 
espoused his cause, werejipt to be depended on; and 
•f his own regular force there must have been a constaut 
diminution. Many of the bravest Roman generals he 
slew — their most wise and crafty he outwitted, and their 
greatest and most consummate he eutgeneralled. In the 



158 ROME. 

field he was more than a match for Marcellus, and in 
policy. for Fabius. Even ttcipio Afrieanus did not con- 
quer him till be >\as overpowered and crushed by fortune. 

No one can deny that in the times of the Punic wars, 
the Romans were far hotter soldiers than the Carthagin. 
ians ; hut that they ever had an abler general there is 
on to doubt. 

On Hannibal's leaving Italy, he found the affairs of 
his country in a situation nearly desperate. He had 
with him the remnant of those soldiers with whom he had 
fought fifteen years in Italy ; but they were covered with 
scars — worn out with toils : and their spirits broken 
with labor, misfortune, and disappointment; neverthe- 
less, he encountered Scipio the younger, whose army 
was far superior to his own, aud did every thing w iiick 
prudence and valour could do. He was overpowered 
and obliged to seek safety by flight. 

This was the end of the second Punic war. The 
Carthaginians were now willing to make peace upon any 
terms ; and the Romans dictated such terms as they saw 
fit. But that unhappy people did not long enjoy the 
benefit even of a treaty, which while it loft them the 
name, deprived them, in reality, of independence. The 
Romans renewed their exactions with the haughtiest 
tone of despotic insolence. Submission was now in 
vain : the miserable inhabitants of Carthage were or- 
dered to leave their city, which was, by a decree of the 
senate of Rome, condemned to be utterly demolished. 
Carthage, roused by despair, although by the most 
base and shameful treachery completely disarmed, now 
made her expiring effort. The people shut their gates — 
fortified their walls and towers, and with incredible in- 
dustry fabricated such arms as the time allowed. They 
madtt a noble resistance ; but the repeated aud furious 
assaults of a great and powerful army could not long be 
I. The city was taken by storm, and together 
with its inhabitants perished by fire and sword. 

Thus ended Carthage, one of the most renowned cities 
of antiquity, 146 years before Christ, 621 from the 
building of Rome, and above a thousand years from her 
foundation. 

lint Hannibal, destined never to grace a Roman hi- 
nmph^ long survived the ruin of Carthage. Still retain- 



ROME. 15 ^! 

ing his enmity to the "Romans, he maintained in every 
place the unequal struggle, endeavouring, by any means, 
to annoy them or to enkindle war against them. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

BRIEF HISTORICAL VIEW OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, FROM 
THE FALL OF CARTHAGE TO THE REIGN OF COMMODUS, 
CONTAINING A PERIOD OF THREE HUNDRED AND TWELVE 
YEARS. 

IN the infancy of Rome, she had many wars but few 
aonquests — in her maturity she had few wars and many 
conquests. When the power of Carthage failed, Rome 
no longer had a rival : her wars, or rather invasions, after 
that event, were generally of her own seeking ; and they 
were many. Rome was no sooner able to say, " Car- 
thage must be destroyed/'* than, in her heart, she also 
said, the empire of Alexander shall be mine. First Ma- 
cedonia felt her grasp, and Perseus was hurled from 
the throne of Philip and Alexander, at which time she 
graciously gave the Greeks their liberty, i. e. gave them 
law. 

Attalus, king of Pergamus, dying about this time, left 
his kingdom to the Romans, by will ; or, in other words, 
seeing the world sink beneath their power, he preferred 
giving them a bloodless victory, and cloaked an ignolde 
dereliction of right under the specious name of a volun- 
tary donation. Antiochus, the great king of Assyria, 
was destined next to fall before them. He was at this 
period the most powerful and opulent prince of all Alex- 
ander's successors ; and had he accepted the advice and 
aid of Hannibal, there would have been at least a chance 
for his escaping the all-graspiug power of Rome. But 
he. fearing lest, if any thing should be done, Hannibal 
would have all the credit, was careful to go directly con- 
trary to the advice of that general. The Romans de- 
feated him almost without loss of blood — Stripped him 
of great part of his dominions — triumphed over him — 

' " DelecUa e%t Carthago." , 



160 HOME. 

extorted from him an immense tribute, and left him only 
_;h f o grace the triumph of another campaign. 

Two other great cities shared the fate of Carthage, 
and nearly at the 9ame time : Corinth, one of the noblest 
cities of Greece,* was utterly destroyed by Mumraius, 
the consul, for offering some indignity to the Roman 
embassadors — and N uroantia, the capital of Spain. This 
city, after sustaining a giege of fourteen years, was re- 
duced by Scipio. The inhabitants, being unable to 
hold out any longer, fired the city over their own heads, 
and all perished in the flames ; and Spain became a Ro- 
man province. 

The corruption of the senate, and the sedition and fall 
of the Gracchi, together with various diturbances next 
arise to view in tracing the history of Rome. Then fol- 
low the reduction of Numidia, and the civil wars in the 
republic, excited by the ambition of Marius and Sylla, 
Which terminated in the perpetual dictatorship of the 
latter. But it will not comport with our present design 
to enter into a detail of these particular events. 

Rome* was perhaps never more powerful or happy than 
in the days of Scipio Africanus, or about the times of 
the Puuic wars. She then experienced great misfor- 
tunes and calamities; but those untoward events, instead 
of weakening or exhausting her, called forth, nay, even 
created new energies. From the invasion of Hannibal, 
she rose invincible ; and while that consummate warrior 
held his ground in Italy, she sent armies into Spain, Af- 
rica, Greece and Macedon. A great part of those im 
mense regions which Alexander subdued, soon shared 
the fate of the empire of Carthage ; and in those daj 
with the Romans, to proclaim war was to insure a tri- 
umph — and to invade, was to conquer. 

When we look for a period in the Roman history, in 
which there is the greatest union of power, wisdom vir- 
. and happiness, it will doubtless be found not far 
from the times of which we are now speaking. The Ro- 
mans, in earlier times of the republic, were more virtuous 
and patriotic than now — but then they were weak ; in 
the Augustan a^e they were certainly more enlightened, 
otitic and polished — but then they Mere less br:>' 

• Lumen totiu? Greciff." ait Cic« 



ROME. 161 

11 not less brave, their virtue was for everyone, and 
with it, the foundation of their prosperity and happiness. 
The conquest of Africa, Asia, and Greece at once 
aired into the coffers of Rome immense, incalculable 
lies. On this almost boundless tide of prosperity a sel 
of men were soon seen floating, of a very different cha- 
racter from Cineinnatus, Fabricius, and Regulus . To 
the most desperate bravery they united unbounded ambi- 
tion ; and to the strongest expression of regard to their 
country they united a total want of principle. The wealth 
of the world like a mighty river, poured into Rome; and 
many individuals acquired fortunes which transcended 
oval magnificence. 

The elevation of Rome to such an astonishing height 
of power and splendor, drew to her men of parts, of taste, 
of ambition and enterprize — and in short, men of every 
description, and almost every nation. The descendants 
of the ancient Romans soon became few in comparison 
with the immense multitude, who by some means or other, 
acquired citizenship, or obtained a residence in Italy ; 
and Rome herself experienced as great a change as the 
nations she conquered : for while she drew arts, elegance, 
and science from Greece, she drew wealth, luxury, effem- 
inacy, and corruption from Asia and Africa, and she 
drew a swarm of hungry fortune hunters from every cor- 
ner of the earth, who penetrated her inmost recesses — 
outnumbered and overwhelmed her ancient people — in 
short, conquered their conquerors, corrupted their morals, 
and put a final period to their liberties. 

The civil wars of Rome which soon follow the period 
of which we have been speaking, unfold to the reader a 
spectacle equally dreadful and disgusting. Many persons 
who had witnessed the destruction of Carthage were still 
alive, and saw all Italy deluged in blood by Marius and 
Sylla. From the destruction of Carthage to the perpetual 
dictatorship of Sylla, was a little rising of seventy yea; 
During the latter part of this period, Lucius Sylla, < 
vying the power and glory of Caius Marius, involved the 
republic in a most bloody, disgraceful, and destructive 
war. After various turns which their affairs took in the 
progress of this eventful struggle — after they had de- 
stroyed half a million of men, including the best pan 
the Roman people— had humbled Rome and Italy — had 

X 



i6£ 

she . and pr< mtv oi tlui 

uelty, ty- 
able tu triumph a\ er virtue, 
and j'i I » (I himself quiet!;, in I] 

>otic power, and became perpetual dictat- 
or. Home n mther moment of freedom. 

The Romans, in tJ kinio, ma) be compared 

with tlie Greeks in th< of Theniistoclcs, and fcl 

triumph of ( i t i, with that of Koine o\ 

Cai' the conquerors were corrupted 

by wealth, and ii i by luxury. We might go 

further and ^ I the Peloponnrsian war. which 

succeeded the elevation of (») d laid the founda- 

tion of her ruin, resembled the civil v !>e- 

fun by JM arius and Svlla — carried on b\ ( z and 
'ompey, and terminated by Augustus. Hul ill- 

ness of the Roman character — the nature of their civil 
policy, and the inimense extent of their conquests, en- 
abled them still to be powerful, in spite of all their 
corruptions : and had they been otherwise, there seemed 
to be no nation near them who could have derived ad- 
vantage from their weakness. They 6eem to have been 
raised up and endowed with universal dominion, that 
they might evidence to the world how far a nation can 
be happy, and how long she can exist without virtue or 
dom. 
The ambition of the demagogues as well as of the 
despots and tyrants of Rome, in one essential article, 
]q(\ them to promote the true and just policy of the em- 
pire : that was to attach the provinces as strongly as 
the interest of Rome — to dissolve them down 
to one common mass — to preserve their extensive terri- 
eement them together by various alli- 
i ve the empire undivided. The 
Ii of empires consists in their union. The 
. soon failed ; and, in our own 
Poland, which ought, from her numerous advan- 
e been one of the most powerful kingdoms 
the world, has exhibited a deplorable spectacle of 
ind misery, by means of her internal divisions. 
Our own country had well nigh been swallowed in the 
ilf. 
The Roman community, launched at once on such a 



OOMP.. 168 

sea of luxury, wealth, and glory, was variously affected. 
While all were struggling for eminence and power, it 
fortunately happened that the reins of government fell 
into strong and energetic hands. Of this description, 
generally speaking, were most of the first competitors, 
and of the triumvirates. The softening power of luxury 
— the sudden inundation of Grecian elegance and refine- 
ment, and the elevation of conseious greatness and em- 
pire, combined with her native gravity in forming the 
genius of Rome. About this period, it began to bud ; 
soon after this was its fairest bloom and richest maturity. 
If the genius of Rome was of a heavier mould than that 
of Greece, it possessed a more commanding gravity ; if 
it had less fire, it was more tranquil, majestic, and 
solemn ; and more hearts will vibrate with pleasure to 
the plaintive and elegant notes of the Roman, than to 
the electric fulminations of the Grecian muse. 

In the year 680 from the building of the city, the re 
public was freed from the tyranny of Sylla, by the death 
of that odious tyrant. But two men, of far more ex- 
tensive views and refined ambition than either Marius or 
Sylla, were already prepared to run the same race, 
Cneus Pompey, had, by various arts, as well as by 
great abilities, become the most popular man in Rome, 
and was considered as the greatest commander in the re- 
public. Crassus possessed that authority and influence 
which great eloquence and immense wealth, combining 
with all the wiles of ambition, could procure him. He 
was the richest man in Rome. 

While Pompey, who warmly espoused the Marian 
faction, strove to gain the favour of the people by ab- 
rogating many of the tyrannical laws of Sylla, Crassus 
employed his amazing wealth in donations, distributions 
of corn among the poor, in public feasts and entertain- 
ments ; and it is said that he supported, at his own 
private expense, the greatest part of the citizens for 
several months — expenditures sufficient to have ex- 
hausted the treasures of the greatest princes. In the 
progress of their contest for power, their animosities 
broke forth on every occasion, in opposition more or less 
direct, and by means more or less violent. 

At this period, while the destinies of Rome seemed to 
hang in doubtful suspense, three characters appeared of 



Ib4 

very different complexions, but equally extraordinary, 
equally to he rem inhered, hut with very different s< 
, in posterity; — Catiline, Cicero, and Ca 
One of t.'iesc men procured for himself immortal fame by 
ious villainy, one by his unrivalled eloquence, 
ami one by his ambition, bravery, and good fortune. 

Julius C&sar may be regarded as the greatest of the 
Roman commanders. In him the military genius of- 
Home displayed its utmost strength and perfection ; but, 
as yet, he was not known in that group of great charac- 
ters aud personages, who, now inflamed with ambition, 
were preparing to carve and divide the world among 
them. Lucius Catiline is allowed by all writers to have 
possessed every quality of a great man bun j and 

virtue ; instead of which he held every principle, and 
practised every vice which could form a m' ious, 

atrocious and abandoned villain. Possessed of a body 
and mind equally strong and vigorous, he was bold, 
enterprising, and industrious, tie I d at no 

cruelty to gratify his revenge — he abstained from no 
crime which could subserve his pleasures — hcvalueOTBft- 
labour or peril to gratify hi9 ambition. Catiline per- 
ceiving himself not among nie most favoured rivals who 
were courtiug the mistress of the world, determined on 
getting her into his possession by violence. His end 
was the same as theirs, but hi s were more un- 

warrantable. He planned and organized one of the 
deepest, most extensive and daring conspiracies recorded 
in history. The leading objects of his conspiracy were, 
to put out of the way by one general massacre, all who 
would be likely to oppose his measures — to pillage the 
city of Home — to seize all public treasures, arsenals and 
stores — to establish a despotic government — to revolu- 
tionize the whole republic, and to accomplish all these 
measures by an armed fore. 

This sanguinary ploi i crashed by 

Cicero, the g . celebra f Home. 

The accomplices of Catilii 1 put to 

ud Catiline himself, who ha abled an 

of tweh a thousand men -red, deb 

and 

Bui ed this threatening gulf, it was that 

sbe might fall into a snare, apparently less dreadful* bu'» 



ROME. 165 

equally strong and conclusive as to her fate. Her days 
of virtue and glory were past ; henceforth she was to be 
ruled with a rod of iron. The dissentions of Pompey 
and Crassus wore quieted by the mediation of Caesar, 
who stepped in between thera, outwitted them both, and 
became the head of the first triumvirate. Having ami- 
cably agreed to govern in copartnership, Pompey chose 
Spain, Crassus chose the rich aud luxurious provinces 
of Asia, and to Caesar was allotted tlie powerful and 
warlike nations of Gaul, as yet unccnquered. What 
was the result? Pompey basked for a moment in the 
splendors of Home, and his fame was trumpeted by the 
eloquence of Cicero. Crassus was slain by the Parthi- 
ans, endeavouring to enlarge his territories, and Caesar 
conquered the Gauls in a thousand battles. Pompey 
could not bear an equal, nor Caesar a superior. They 
were mutually jealous — they differed — they prepared 
for war. 

The senate and nobility of Rome, and pride and 
strength of Italy sided with Pompey : Caesar relied 
wholly on those veteran legions with whom he had sub- 
dued the fierce and martial tribes of Gaul aud Germany. 
No civil war ever equalled this. It was.«»«nielancholy 
sight to see Rome given up to tyranny and blood — to see 
that august and venerable republic for ever abandoned to 
her evil genius. These were not the feeble bickerings 
of petty controversy ; Marius and Sylla, the leaders of 
the former civil broils, bore little comparison with Caesar 
at the head of his legions, or with the great Pompey, 
who could almost raise armies out of the earth by the 
stamp of his foot. 

This eventful struggle was at length closed by the 
battle of Pharsalia, rendered truly famous by the grand 
object for which they fought — the greatness of the force 
employed on either side, and by the transcendent reputa- 
tion of both commanders. The Roman empire was the 
prize ; and both the armies and the generals were the 
best the world could afford. Pompey was utterly de- 
feated, and many of his army, won over by the magnani- 
mous clemency and generosity of Caesar, were content 
to change sides. The conduct of Pompey in this battle, 
which was to decide his fate, has ever been considered 
as strange and unaccountable. So far from displaying 



166 



# 



that courage, intrepidity, and forlitule, and those pow 
of command which lie was supposed to p<» 
from the very first onset, he appeared like a man fright 
ed out of his senses ; he scarcely attempted to rally his 
men — was among the foremost thai fled, and ne\er made 
another effort to retrieve his cause. From facts so glar- 
ing, we are almost induced to helieve that much of 
Pompey's greatness, as a soldier and commander, con- 
sisted in the elegant drawings of Cicero, and other 
partial writers. The true test of bravery, skill and 
fortitude, is to see them displayed where they are most 
necessary — to see them shine in danger, surmount diffi- 
culty, and triumph over adversity. 

Yet no one can doubt that Pompey was a man of great 
yand splendid talents : but who could equal Caesar? — A 
man supereminent in the whole extensive range of in- 
tellectual endowments. Nature seemed to scant him in 
nothing. Among philosophers, mathematicians, poets 
and orators, he could shine. He could plan and exe- 
cute—he could negotiate or fight — he could gain and im- 
prove an advantage. For seven years in his (rallic 
wars, his life was a continual series of fatigues and 
*dear*fe*rugkbmctories : and no general, but one as great 
as Caesar, could have encountered him without appre- 
hension and dismay. 

The battle of Pharsalia was fought 52 years before 
Christ, and 702 from the building of the city. Pompey 
fled an unhappy exile into Egypt, and was there misera- 
bly murdered by the command of Ptolemy. — Thus the 
reins of government fell into the hands of Caesar, and 
he was left undisputed master of the world. The cle- 
mency of Caesar on this occasion was as illustrious as his 
victories had been, fie entered into no measures against 
many persons, who, under professions of neutrality, had 
evidently sided with Pompey. He did nothing which 
bore any resemblance to the horrid proscriptions of 
Marius and Sylla. He endeavoured, inmost instant 
to forget and forgive. 

But the reign and triumph of Julius Caesar was short. 
He soon fell a sacrifice to that spiri! of freedom and in- 
dependence which had raised his country to her exalted 
rank ; for though the demons of discord, ambition, and 
party raa;e. hn<l dov for a long period, aimed all their 



ROME. 167 

shafts at good and virtuous men — though torrents of the 
richest blood had flowed incessantly for many years, yet 
some men were still left whose constancy and virtue ever 
stemmed the strong current of the times. Cato and 
Cicero were* still alive, whose stern virtues and com- 
manding eloquence continued to remind the Romans of 
their better days. 

. From the battle of Pharsalia to the death of Caesar 
was eight years. During this period he went on and pros- 
pered. By a rapid series of journeys and expeditions he 
saw, awed and subjugated all places and all opposition. 
His arm pervaded, his vigilance detected, his spirit an- 
imated, his generosity won, and his power crushed in 
all directions. His great and active genius seemed uni- 
versally to bear down all before him ; but in reality not 
all : a plot at length was laid, as it were in his own bo- 
som, which hurled him in a moment from the high sum- 
mit whither he had climbed. 

Brutus and Cassius, at the head of about sixty seua- 
tors, entered into a conspiracy to take him off by assas- 
sination. Their object was to arrest the progress of des- 
potic power, to restore the authority of the senate, and 
the ancient forms of the republic; an object laudable in 
itself, but, alas, how far from being practicable ! Their 
plot was deeply laid, but seems to have been carried into 
effect not without a wonderful concurrence of accident, 
or rather of providence. Whilst Caesar was on his way 
to the senate house, where he was to perish, a slave, it 
is said, who had discovered the conspiracy, pressed for- 
ward in the crowd to apprise him of his danger, but 
could not get to hira for the press. Another person* put 
into his hands a paper, which would have saved him, 
containing an account of the conspiracy : this he handed 
to his secretary without breaking the seal. After he was 
seated in the senate house, the conspirators approached 
and despatched him with their daggers without resistance, 
and retired to the capitol, where they put themselves in 
a state of defence. 

Thus fell the first and doubtless the greatest of the 
Caesars, in the 56th year of his age, and in the 8th of 
his sole administration. No Roman ever achieved more 

* Artenidorus, a Greek philosopher. 



168 HOME. 

nterprizes than he. Lie £pse to supreme power, 
d to men of great abilities and of much grrat- 
thau himself. Whatever standing he acqui- 
red. lie maintained, and his enemies could onl\ 
him by treachery under (he mask of friendship. R 
did not owe to Caesar Ihe io>^ of her liberties 5 they 
were lost before lie was horn. He was allured to seize 
the dazzling prize which to all observers, had evidently 
become the sport of fortune, and was liable to be grasp 
ed by him who was boldest and most lucky. Had Pom- 
prevailed over Caesar, it is highly doubtful win 
Itomc would have experienced a happier destiny. 

The fail of Caesar seemed only to accelerate the estab- 
lishment of imperial government. Octavhu :rand 
nephew of Caesar, and heir, by will, to his fortune 
name, was soon at the head of a new triumvirate, viz. 
himself, Mark Antony, and Lepidus. This new trium- 
virate, proclaiming themselves the avengers of Ca 
now hastened to make war upon the conspirators, whose 
army was healed by Brutus and Cassius. Hail the Ro- 
man people desired their ancient liberty, which they 
tainly would had they understood the import of the 
word, or had they entertained any just notions of free- 
dom, they now enjoyed an opportunity of regaining it : 
but so far from that, the triumvirate were able to e 
the popular indignation against the conspirators, and in 
fact, gained the people over to their cause. The stand- 
ard of liberty was deserted, and the wretched infatuated 
people were now employed in it ; ;ain> 
which were nevermore »o be broken. 

The conspirators were crushed with little trouble; and 
in shedding t| ie blood f the last patriots of Rome., the 
sublime Cicero fell a victim to the merciless rage of 
tony, and the base and cruel policy of Oetavif 

li soon appeared that the triumvirs had c< 
with no other vi< w 1 1 present e Inch 

1 be laid aside when occasion should offer. Ac< 
Lcpidm noil rejected, and as he was nei 

a soldier nor ae had no means of red. 

•id Oclavius presently differed, and once more 
hailed the forces of that mighty people under their 
mdards. Their quarrel was decided at the bat- 
Actium. A short time after which, Antony expi 
red in Egypt, and left Octavius without a competitor. 



HOME. 169 

In the 30th year before Christ, and 724th from the 
building of Rome, commenced the imperial reign of Oc- 
tavitis, under the titles, of Emperor and Augustus. Rome 
now became an empire in the more strict <iiid proper 
sense' of the word ; and notwithstanding the degeneracy 
of the Roman people, it continued for several centuries 
to be the most powerful empire in the ancient world. 

The commotions and wars — the luxury and wealth — 
the corruptions and loss of public virtue among the Ro- 
mans, did not extinguish but rather called forth and per- 
fected their genius for literature. The sciences were as- 
siduously cultivated, and men of learning received the 
warmest patronage and the amplest encouragement from 
those great and opulent men whose wealth was immense, 
and whose traffic was in states and kingdoms : indeed, 
many of those great men were themselves the favorites 
of the muses. 

They studied the liberal sciences and elegant art9 
with a diligence scarcely known in modern times. Sci- 
pio Africanus, according to the testimony of Cicero, was 
as eminent for mental improvement, as he was in the art 
of war. Cato was a man of great learning and wisdom : 
and those great men who composed the two triumvirates, 
especially the first, were highly accomplished in the lib- 
oral sciences. 

When we consider that Cicero was a professional 
man — that for a course of years, many of the most 
important causes in the vast republic were ably man- 
aged by him — that he was a statesman and a great lead- 
er in the politics of his times — that he was, at times, a civ- 
il magistrate, a soldier, and a governor, and patron of pro- 
vinces, we may truly be astonished at the extent and suc- 
cess of his studies. His voluminous writings which 
have come down to us, and which form the most perfect 
standard of classic excellence, leave us in doubt which 
to set foremost, whether the strength of his understand- 
ing, or the powers of his imagination — or which we shall 
admire most, his genius or industry. It is no partial ad- 
miration by which those writings are preserved : the uni- 
ted voice of all enlightened nations have declared their 
merit, and judged them worthy of immortality. 

The same may be said of the writings of Virgil, and 
Horace, and many others. But the approbation of men 

Y 



IJQ ROME. 

of taste and learning, in all nations lias set tlic ii 
proc | 5 of the Augustan age above all panegyric. 

v will be read and admired so long as works of ge- 
! taste are held iu estimation. 
The Roman empire now appeared in its utmost splen- 
dor. Though l es9 virtuous and happy, and probably less 
powerful than in former periods, yet the coneentrated 
wealth of the world, the external pomp of so vast a mon- 
iiv, threw round her a dazzling glory which the 
moat distant nations beheld with admiration and dread. 
Embassadors from remote kingdoms daily arrived to do 
homage, to court alliaucc, or solicit protection. 

ustus held the reins of government : there was no 
competitor— no rival. The people, long fatigued with 
war, were glad to enjoy peace, though under the reign ot 
a despot. There was no Brutus nor Cassius to conspire 
or to assassinate. Cato was no more ; and Cicero, one 
of the last luminaries of Rome, had been murdered, and 
his head and hands cut off and fixed upon the tribunal, 
where the thunders of his eloquence had so often struck 
terror to the hearts of tyrants. The spirit which anima- 
ted the Romans in the days of Fabrieius was gone for 
ever; liberty had taken her flight from the earth, or had 
retired to the sequestered bower of the savage, while gor- 
ous pride lifted her head to heaven, and trampled on 
innocence, equity, and law. 

Augustus was an artful, insidious tyrant: whilst one 

of the" triumvirate, he had been careful to destroy all the 

virtuous men who had escaped the bloody proscriptions, 

the civil wars, and the violent commotions which were 

his time. When his power was confirmed, he en- 

d (o fascinate the people— to lull them into secu- 

r ;, v — to inebriate them with luxury — to dazzle them 

wall his pomp and glory, and by all possible means to 

guish in them the true Roman spirit, and so to qual- 

davery itself, as to cause them to drink 

lt ' , iih a pleasing relish : he succeeded ; for never 

was a people more changed in temper, habit, mode ot 

thinking, and national chai 

But detraction itself cannot deny that Augustus wi 
ii, a statesman, and a ver man. Thoi 

void of the magnanimous spirit of Cincinnatus, Brutus, 
! dus, yet he affected to revere the chari 



ROME. 171 

the ancient Romans, and seemed desirous that a sem- 
blance of freedom should still mark the character of his 
countrymen. When he saw himself in the undisturbed 
possession of empire, the severities of his administration 
relaxed : and he held the reins of government with len- 
ity, dignity, and wisdom. Few inonarchs have enjoyed 
a longer or more prosperous reign. His genius was less 
warlike than that of Julius Caesar ; yet in the course of 
his reign, he had various opportunities of showing him- 
self capable of commanding armies and of directing very 
extensive military operations. But his greatness was of 
the tranquil and pacific kind, and he shewed little ambi- 
tion to enlarge his dominions. 

The reign of Augustus was active, energetic, and long. 
It was his boast that he found Rome built of brick, but 
that he left it built of marble. 

In the 30th year of the reign of Augustus, Jesus 
Christ, the son of God, was born. The principal na- 
tions of the known world being reduced under one head, 
and wars and commotions, revolving through long tracts 
of time, now terminating in one immense dominion, the 
troubled elements of human society sunk into an univer- 
sal calm. Thirst for conquest was satiated with blood ; 
the ambition of one was gratified, while that of millions 
was left without hope. The spirit of war, wearied with 
universal and almost perpetual carnage, seemed willing 
to enjoy a moment's slumber, or was hushed to silence 
by the advent of the prince of peace. 

Jesus Christ was the son of David, the son of Abra- 
ham. The house of Jacob seems to have been preserved 
in order to give birth to this wonderful personage. Abra- 
ham was born 1996 years before Christ, and was tho 
ninth in direct descent from Noah, who is commonly 
reckoned the tenth generation from Adam. Abraham 
flourished about the time of Xerxes or Balceus, king of 
Assyria, and about 200 years before iEgialius founded 
the oldest of the states of Greece. Jacob the grandson 
of Abraham, removed his family, consisting of about 60 
persons, and his effects, into Egypt, where his posterity 
remained and increased astonishingly, for several cen- 
turies. 

Moses, the Hebrew general and lawgiver, led the Is- 
raelites out of Egypt soon after the reign of Sesostris, or 



in the reign oi' Pharaoh Amcuophis, who was drowned 
in the Red Sea. The Israelites settled in Canaan about 
time of the foundation of the first states of Greece, 
and about the time of the foundation of Cartfa al- 

ready stated. Eleven centuries before the birth oj Christ, 
the form of the Hebrew government was changed from 
a kind of aristocratical republic, or, as it is frequently 
called by theological writers a theocracy, to an absolute 
monarchy : and Saul wat elevated to the throne. 

In the year 975 before Christ, the ten tribes revolted 
from the house of David, and set up a separate kingdom, 
which continued 215 years and was then subdued, and 
ried into captivity, by Salmanazer, king of Assyria, 
before Christ 759. The kingdom of Judah was govern- 
ed by the house of David till the year before Christ 588, 
making, from the accession of Saul, 507 years ; when 
Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, invaded and con- 
quered Judea, and carried the Jews to Babylon, where 
they remained 7^ years. 

In the first year of the reign of Cyrus, king of Persia, 
536 years before Christ, the Jews, by a royal edict from 
the Persian monarch, were liberated and sent home to 
their own land. They were under a nominal subjection 
to Persia till that kingdom was overturned by Alexander. 
They then fell to the Syrian empire, and suffered much 
from the tyranny and impositions of the dynasty of An- 
tiochus, till the Syrians failed before the power of Rome. 
They were frequently visited by the Greek and Roman gen- 
erals ; but their existence together with their temple and 
worship, were prolonged till 73 years after Christ, when 
Titos Vespasian destroyed Jerusalem, together with up- 
wards of a million of the Jews. The remnant of them 
were scattered into all nations; and what is remarkable 
in their history, ihey still exist, after 18 centuries, and 
are distinct from all other nations, persevering in the re- 
ligiou of their ancestors. 

d had promised to Abraham that Jn his seed all na- 
mm should be blessed. This glorious promise began to 
be verified, when God by his marvellous interposition, 
ned the house of Israel out of Egypt, and gave 
them an exhibition of his character, in a code of laws 
which comprised a perfect staudard of moral rectitude. 
Kr s t it was more amply verified wheu th# son of God ap- 



ME. 17S 

peared in the world, and, by his life and doctrines, and 
death and resurrection, fulfilled the predictions and illu- 
minated the shadows of the Mosaic dispensation, and 
opened the way for the promulgation of the gospel 
through the world. 

That Jesus Christ was a divine person sent of God t« 
enlighten aud redeem the world, seems to rest ou two im- 
portant pillars of evidence, either of which would be suf- 
ficient to give it independent support. These are, 1st, 
credible testimony ; and 2d, the superior excellency of 
that religion which he taught and practised. The truths 
©f the gospel rest on the fullest testimony, and of that 
character and kind which mankind have never question- 
ed 5 and as to the excellency of the religion of Jesus 
Christ, let unbelievers deny it if they can, or if they dare. 
If they dare pretend that justice, integrity, benevolence, 
and virtue, are unlovely and ought not to be practised by 
men, or if they can deny that these, and these only, are 
what the gospel requires, then they can also deny that 
the gospel holds up a perfect rule of life, and then may 
they pretend that it ought not to be practised by men. 

The testimony on which the christian religion chiefly 
relies, relates to, and abundantly substantiates the follow^ 
ing things, (viz.) 1st, The genealogy or true descent of 
Christ from David. 2d, His life and moral character 
3d, His doctrines. 4th, His miracles. 5th, His resur- 
rection from the dead. To all these things there is the 
most full and perfect testimony. 

The excellency of the christian religion appears in the 
following articles, (viz.) 1st, The character of God. 2d, 
The character of man. 3d, What God requires of man. 
Thus far the gospel fully establishes the law of Moses : 
but it goes further. 4th, It points out a method of par- 
don through the atonement of Christ. 5th, The consti- 
tution and character of Christ's church. 6th, The re. 
surrection of the dead. 7th, The rewards and punish- 
ments of a future state. In general it may be said, that 
the gospel plan requires nothing of mankind but what is 
fortheir good; and it/orbids nothing but whatisinjurious. 
A man conforming to all the requirements of Christianity 
would be perfect; he would be without a fault. What- 
ever, therefore, may have been the origin of the scheme, 
nothing more, nothing better could be looked for, in one 



174 HOME. 

which m^ known to be divine. Those who would wish 
to i lies* inquiries, and examine, duly, a subject 

of such nporfance, are recommended to read Paley's 

Evidence of Christianity. 

The reign of Augustus, if we include his twelve years 
with (he triumvirate, was .i(» years. No emperor of 
Komi' displayed greater penetration, or more extensive 
and profound policy : and few men could have succeeded 
so far in undermining and abolishing the power of the 
senate, and in changing the nature, yet preserving the 
forms of the anciei rnment. The central point of 

all his movements and aims, was to extinguish the re- 
publican spirit, and to render monarchy strong and per- 
manent : and this he did so effectually, that the Roma 
r after, tamely submitted to slavery, and, for the 
st part, under the fangs of a set of infamous monsters 
notorious for weakness and folly as for pride and 

ltv. 

•I 

It would he useless, in this compend, to mention 

ticularly the lives and characters of the immediate 

successors of Augustus. In the most important respects 

they are alike, only that each one, according to his time 

;enerally improved upon the vices and 

villainies of his predec 

Tiberius, the son-in-law and successor of Augustus, 
sjned 23 years. An elegant historian has said that he 
was " a monster of perfidy, ingratitude, and cruelty." 
To him succeeded Cains Caligula, who reigned only 
four and " whose life," says the same author, 

"was a continued scene of debauchery, much worse 
than that of his predecessor.*' Caligula was succeeded 
by Claudius, his uncle, who was little better than an 
enfeebled, inconsistent, vicious ideot; at first promising 
to do well, but speedily falling into every outrage and 
atrocity. He reigned fourteen years. 

Nero was the first of the emperors under whose ad- 
ministration nras generally dishonoured, and 
the Roman name treated with ignominy and contempt. 
Had it not been for the conduct pursued by some of his 
h might have been thought (hat nothing could 
equal his folly and madin he astonishing crimes 
he perpetrated against humanity, reason, and nature. 
Almost T the life of JSero was an outrageous, 



ROME. 17» 

horrid crime. He murdered many of the noblest citi- 
zens of Rome ; among whom, the celebrated Seneca 
fell a sacrifice, and several other philosophers and 
writers of great distinction. He murdered his wife and 
his mother, and set fire to the city of Rome, and whilst 
it was burning, dressing himself in the garb of a player, 
he recited some verses on the destruction of Troy. 

Nero proceeded to such lengths as at last to become an 
object of terror and detestation to mankind. The senate 
declared him an enemy to his couutry, the army revolted, 
and people of every description combined to crush a 
detestable wretch whom the earth could no longer bear. 
Nero reigned almost fourteen years ; and in him the 
family of Augustus became extinct, fifty five years after 
the death of that emperor. 

Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, rose one after another, 
and fell in quick succession — all disappearing in the 
short space of eighteen months. They assumed the 
imperial purple only to disgrace the throne, to give 
innumerable wounds to the empire, and to attach per- 
petual infamy to their memory. 

If we except the horrors of the cruel reign of Do- 
mitian, the younger brother of Titus, Rome was now 
favoured with seven monarcbs in succession whose 
virtues adorned the throne, and whose energy and wis- 
dom restored and invigorated the empire. 

Vespasian succeeded Vitellius in the 70th year of the 
christian sera, and, in a prosperous reign of nine years, 
restored the Roman name to its ancient splendor. He 
recovered several provinces, repelled all invasions, re~ 
stored order, harmony, and military discipline, and, in 
fact, extended the bounds of the empire. Titus, his 
son and successor, was a prince of great virtue. His 
excellent endowments and elegant accomplishments 
rendered him exceedingly dear to his subjects. In his 
reign Jerusalem was destroyed. This prince, in a short 
reign of two years, displayed a degree of wisdom, 
moderation, and self command, which perhaps no Ro- 
man emperor ever attained to befor^ or since his time. 
The happiness of his people was regarded by him as the 
greatest glory of his reign. During this reign, happened 
that eruption of mount Vesuvius, in which Pliny, the 
celebrated philosopher, was destroyed. 



176 ROME. 

Titus was succeeded by Domitian, his younger 
brother, whose vices and cruelties were surpassed by 
none of his predecessors. After him followed five princes 
in succession, whose names will ever adorn the history 
of Uome : they were Nerva, Tragan, Adrian, Antoninus 
Pius, and Marcus Aurelius. These great men swayed 
the sceptre for about SO years. They did whatever could 
be expected from the greatest of men and of princes 5 
in rendering the administration just, energetic, and 
wise, and in making their subjects happy. Hut if the 
Koman people, even in the times of Augustus, had 
fallen from their ancient glory and virtue — if they had 
lost that greatness and independence of mind which 
raised the republic to conquest and renown, what now 
must have been their state, after being prostrated, and 
degraded for a century by the worst of govern ments ! 



CHAPTER XVII. 

GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE ROMAN HISTORY, FROM 
THE ACCESSION OF AUGUSTUS TO THB DEATH OF MAR- 
CUS AURELIUS. 

IN our commencement of the Roman history it was 
observed, that a formal abridgment would scarcely be 
deemed necessary, on account of its being much better 
understood than any other ancient history : and especial- 
ly, as Dr. Goldsmith's abridgment is spread through 
this country, and the very thing, in all respects, which 
the young reader ought to take in hand. We have 
therefore glauced rapidly over it, wholly omitting to 
mention the times and revolutions before Romulus, as 
generally fictitious — touching slightly on the reign of the 
kings for 300 years — over a single city, or a territory 
not larger than a township, as being scarcely worthy to 
fill up the lucubrations of a folio ; much less to go into 
a compend, where, a few principal events only can be 
noticed. And, to give the reader a just impression of 
that part of this history which is best known and most 
important, it has been thought that some general obser- 
vation*, directing the mind to a comprehensive view of 



ROME. 177 

a whole period, would answer a better purpose than a 
dry skeleton of names, begirt only with vices and 
enormities. 

The period now before us contains about 210 years, 
viz. from the accession of Augustus, to that of Corn- 
modus. Concerning this period, we shall note a few 
things : and 

1. The lloman empire, during this period, contained 
the middle and southern parts of Europe, the northern 
parts of Africa, and the western parts of Asia. In the 
directions and advice of Augustus to his successor, it 
was warmly recommended that the empire should not be 
enlarged j accordingly, the weak and effeminate em- 
perors had no inclination nor ability to do it, and tiie va- 
liant and warlike generally found business enough in 
defending what they already had ; while the wise and 
prudent were sensibly impressed with the propriety of 
the advice of Augustus. The empire was, indeed, of 
vast extent ; and, if we cast our eyes upon a map, we 
shall directly see that it comprehended, as an elegant 
historian remarks, 6i the fairest part of the earth,, and 
the most civilized portion* of mankind."* 

During this period, however, very considerable addi- 
tions were made to the empire, and I believe, more or 
less in the three quarters of the globe. In Europe, the 
Gallic and German provinces were enlarged, the island 
of Great Britain was subdued, and several large coun- 
tries on this side and beyond the Danube, as Illyrium, 
Dacia, Pannonia, &c. The emperor Trajan, in order 
to prosecute the war with the Dacians, erected a stupendu- 
ous bridge across the Danube ; the ruins of which re> 
main to this day, and afford a sublime specimen of an- 
cient architecture. 

2. The cruelty, depravity, folly, and enormous vices 
of the emperors generally, form a striking feature in thig 
period. They seem to have been utterly lost to all sense 
of justice, honour or duty. Had they followed the 
examples of Julius or Augustus Caisar, the Romans 
would scarcely have had reason to regret the establish- 
ment of a form of government which rescued them from 
deplorable wars and wasting revolutions, urged on by the 

Gibbon. 

z 



j ^8 KOML- 

1 (,i > a rious powerful parties succeeding one another. 
[ndeed it is surprising that the illustrious examples of 
thoi na^n should be deserted immediately, and so 

tten ; and it ean be ac -counted for in no other 
t than by supposing that tin* reins of government fell 
into the weakest and vilest of hands. When we con- 
sider the advantages the first emperors of Rome possess- 
ed, it can scarcely he doubted that many of them we 
the lowest, the most detestable and abandoned villains 
that ever swayed a sceptre. The kings of the Ottom 
Turks, though barbarous and bloody tyrants, we 
almost without a stain in comparison with those <f barj- 
footed furies." The Henries and Edwards of Englan 
the Louises of France ; the Russian, the Gothic and 
Chinese nionarchs were sages, philosophers, philantli 
pists, and saints, in comparison with them : nor ean wc 
read the history of Rome without wondering, how it v 
possible for that once powerful and magnanimous peop] 
to be so sunk and depraved as to endure the tyranny of 
such monsters, instead of hurling them with mdiguant 
scorn, from the throne they so # deeply disgraced. 

3. If the fate of Poland, in our own times, stand 
a beacon, exhibiting a dreadful testimony to the nation* 
of the earth id' the effects of bad government ; we may 
certainly derive a still stronger testimony from this period 
of the Roman history. The wars of Marius and Sylla, 
of Cresar and Pompey, and of Augustus and Antony, 
had demonstrated the power of individuals to enslave the 
state. Those wars had almost exterminated the ancient 
Romans — they had extinguished almost all the great and 
eminent families, and quite all the great men who dared 
to speak and act like Romans. At the same time an im 
nse multitude of foreigners from all parts of the world, 
poured into Rome; and ii( army, which always go- 
verned R< senary rapacious 
lie spiril ;i- of :\\\ sense of justice 
, . An empire, governed by a pri 

tdoned ;norant, and who 

{ of ;i us, ill disciplined, and 

vici rtainly experience the v 

• worst 1 aecord- 

liistrc of Rome faded — her power decayed — 
her virtue and happin e forever lost, and she wa# 

ndoned to every evil and calamity. 



ROME. 179 

From various internal causes, the strength of the Ro- 
man empire declined greatly during the two first centu- 
ries of the christian sera ; she was not only absolutely 
but comparatively weaker. Many of the Asiatic pro- 
vinces seemed only to observe a nominal subjection ; and 
the Parthians, especially in that quarter, gained strength, 
rose and triumphed, and set Rome at defiance. The 
nations of Gaul and Germany grew strong, and often 
shewed sings of revolt, and even indications that they 
were one day to trample upon the ashes of their con- 
querors. 

4. The Romans soon gave melancholy proofs of the 
decay of learning, as well as of civility and politeness. 
We have spoken of the deplorable fate of Cicero. Au- 
gustus, under the infamous pretence of appeasing the re- 
sentment of Mark Antony, had murdered and mangled 
that great man. The crafty tyrant well knew how ne- 
cessary it was for him to silence that eloquence which 
must have shaken his throne, and to exterminate that 
virtue which must have thrown continual embarrass- 
ments in the way of his ambitious schemes. Maecenas, 
the great friend of Virgil and Horace, still lived ; but 
he only lived as a flatterer, to form new modes of adula 
tion, and to act the cringing parasite. 

In the course of the reign of the twelve Caesars, the 
Roman horizon, which had been once illuminated with 
one immense constellation of poets, orators, philoso- 
phers, statesmen, heroes, and sages, was left in dreary 
darkness. And if we descend to the reign of Commodus. 
we shall see few lights on that once splendid horizon 
but such as most resembled the horrid glare of tartarean 



.*. " From those flames 

" No light, but rather darkness risible 
" Serv'd only to discover sights of wo \ n 

Yet the names of Seneca, Lucian, Pliny, Josephs 
Quintilian, Tacitus, Juvenal, Plutarch, Justin, and 
Galen, were scattered down tnis tract of time ; long 
after which Longinus nourished : and Marcus Aurelius ; 
the emperor, was a great philosopher, and an ornament 
to the republic of letters. 

5. It will be proper in this place to notice to the young 



18U lOSM 

reader, the nature and form of the Roman legion, a 
military establishment and grand instrument of the Ro- 
man power, by which Rome conquered and governed 
the world. It had been improving through every period 
of the republic, and greatly so by Julius (\csar, as well 
as by some of his successo, 

The main strength of (he legion consisted in a body 
of infantry, divided into ten cohorts and tifty five com- 
panies, which companies were more or less full. Each 
cohort was commanded by a prefect or tribune, and each 
company by a centurion. The first cohort, which always 
claimed the post of honour and carried the eagle, con- 
tained 1105 soldiers, the most approved for bravery and 
fidelity. The remaining cohorts consisted each of 555; 
and the infantry of a legion, in its most improved state, 
amounted to 0,100 men. Their arms, which were uni- 
form, consisted of a helmet with a lofty crest, a breast 
plate or coat of mail, greaves on their legs, and on their 
left arm a concave buckler, of an oval form, four feet 
in lenirth and two and a half in breadth. This buckler 
was formed of light wood, covered with bull's hide and 
strengthened with plates of brass. The pilum, a long 
and heavy spear, was the most effective of the Roman 
weapons. With this they usually conquered. It was 
about six feet long, and terminated in a triangular point 
of steel eighteen inches in length. This dreadful 
javelin, when * launched from the vigour of a Roman 
arm/ often pierced helmets, breast plates, and bucklers ; 
nor was there any cavalry that chose to venture within 
its reach. When the pilum was thrown, which was 
commonly within the distance of ten or even six yards, 
the soldier drew his sword, and closed with the enemy. 
The sword was a two edged, short, well tempered blade, 
fitted to strike or push, the latter of which the Romans 
were instructed to prefer. 

The legion, in battle array, stood eight deep, preserv- 
ing the distance of three feet between both the ranksand 
files : so that each one had a sufficient space to move and 
wield his arms in : and this loose order gave great 
celerity to their movements. It is remarked, perhaps 
justly, by Mr. Gihbon,* that the strength of the phalanx 

Decline of the Roman Empire" Chap. 1. | 



ROML 18i 

was unable to contend with the activity of the legion. 
But could the phalanx of Alexander have contended 
with the legion of Julius Caesar, each under the eye and 
animated by the spirit of those great commanders, a 
different conclusion perhaps might be drawn. 

A body of cavalry, consisting of ten troops or squad- 
rons, was an essential appendage of each legion. The 
first troop of horse was the companion of the first cohort 
and -consisted or* 132 men. The other nine consisted 
each of 66 men, and were attached to the remaining nine 
cohorts. The cavalry of a complete legion amounted to 
726 men. Their defensive arms were, a helmet, an 
oblong shield, light boots, and a coat of mail. Their 
effective weapons were a javelin and a long broadsword. 

Thus the regular infantry and cavalry of a legion 
amounted to 6,826 men ; besides which, several light 
armed troops, called auxiliaries, were attached to it, 
which, together with all the various attendants for bag- 
gage, &c. swelled each legion to upwards of i 2.000 
men. To every legion was assigned ten engines of the 
larger size, and fifty five of the smaller, for throwing 
large stones and heavy darts. The force of these en- 
gines was such as to produce astonishing effects on walls 
and towers, and they are thought by some writers of note 
to have been little inferior in utility to cannon. 

The camp of two complete legions usually occupied 
an exact square of nearly 700 yards on each side. This 
spot was levelled by the pioneers, and the tents were 
then pitched in the form of regular, broad streets — the 
praetorium or general's quarters in the centre. The 
w r hole square was then surrounded by a rampart 12 feet 
high, compactly formed of wood and earth, and also in- 
closed by a ditcli IS feet broad and deep. When this 
camp was to be left, it is iucredible how soon the legions 
would be in motion. Their tents being struck and 
packed, each legionary loaded himself with his arms, 
kitchen furniture and provisions, sometimes for many 
days; and, with this weight, which, says Mr. Gibbon, 
would oppress the delicacy of a modern soldier, they 
would march, by a regular step, 20 miles in six hours. 
The military discipline of the Romans was exceedingly 
strict. They were accustomed to various athletic exer- 
cises; and their armour in running and leaping, was 



482 home. 

scares 1 as an incumbrance, fluch were 

military arrangement* of Hie Romans ; 
and, in order to form some idea of their armed fore 
i « bserved, tbal the peace establishment of Adrian 

s su is consisted of thirty of these formida- 

ble legions, wilich were usually stationed on the banks 
of large rivers, and along the frontiers of their extensive 
dominions. The author just cited says, that finder the 
emp< rors, the legions were more or fcss permanently 
stationed, as follows, viz. three legions in Britain — 
sixteen on the Rhine and Danube, where it was early 
wared that most force was necessary — eight on the, 
Euphrates — and in Egypt, Africa, aud Spain, a single 
legion was sufficient for each. Besides all these, a 
powerful armed force was always stationed in Italy, to 
watch over the safety of the capital, and of the emperor. 
These were called city cohorts and prsetorian guards : 
and we shall see hereafter, that these troops were princi- 
pally instrumental in the ruin of the empire. 

6. The last thing we shall notice, as making a con- 
spicuous figure in this period of Roman history, is the 
rapid spread and persecutions of Christianity. 

The christian religion was peculiar in its origin ; it 
was equally so as to the means hy which it was propa- 
gated in the world. The primitive christians utterly dis- 
claimed the use of arms as a mean of spreading their 
principles. They relied on the nature of the truths and 
maxims they taught — on the purity of their ]'• 
meek, quiet, and blamcle*? conduct of their followers, 
but more on the power and providence nf God, for their 
support, prosperity, defence and promulgation : and in 
this they were not disappointed ; for at the close of the 
second century after Christ, Christianity had penetrated 
almost every part of the Roman empire. They bad 
churches established in various parts of Asia and 
Africa: — in Greece, Italy, Spain, Gaul, Germany, and 
Britain. 

A* professed enemies to the gods nf Greece and Rome, 
and as directly opposed to the superstition of the countries 
in which they lived, they were generally without the 
protection of law, and odious to the reigning authorities. 
Under several of the emperors already mentioned, their 
sufferings were \ery great. They were subjected to 



ROME. 183 

every abuse, and were, in vast multitudes, put to death 
with the most dreadful tortures. ; During Nero's bloody 
reign they experienced every species of cruelty ; and 
even under the reputedly wise and virtuous Antonines, as 
well as Trajan and Adrian, multitudes of them fell a 
sacrifice to the merciless fury of persecution. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

BRIEF HISTORICAL VIEW OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, FROM 
THE REIGN OF COMMODUS. TO THE EXTINCTION OF THE 
WESTERN EMPIRE, UNDER AUGUSTULUS ; CONTAINING 
A PERIOD OF TWO HUNDRED AND EIGHTY THREE YEARS. 

WE have now passed the fortunate and happy periods 
of the Roman empire. In the subsequent part of the 
history of this great people, there is little else to con- 
template but the most deadly disorders, the most agoniz- 
ing struggles, and the deepest and most ostensible decay. 
But an empire contaiuing an hundred and twenty mil- 
lions of people — founded in power, wealth, and policy 
— strengthened by every auxiliary of human greatnes* 
— triumphing over all enemies, and elevated almost 
beyond the reach of invasion, could only perish by the 
gradual progress of internal disorder. The misfortunes 
of Rome sprung from her own bosom, and it can scarcely 
be said that she had enemies, till she had formed and 
trained them to the arts of war. 

In the 180th year of the christian aera, Commodus 
ascended the throne. No reign was more inauspicious 
than his, nor is the memory of any prince more deeply 
covered with infamy. He formed a perfect contrast to 
the virtues of his illustrious father, Marcus Aurelius. 
It would be impossible in this compend to draw a cha- 
racter more black, detestable and depraved than that of 
Commodus. A detail of his vices would occupy more 
pages than we can allow to the whole period which is to 
be the subject of this chapter. We can say little more 
than that, during his reign, the administration of go- 
vernment was totally abandoned, and the numerous props 
of a falling empire, which had existed a century before 



184 ROML. 

this, were now no mere. At the seat of government 
there was nothing but luxury, riot and murder. In the 
provinces, extreme disorder, rapacity, misery and re- 
volt prevailed. On the frontiers, the burning of cities 
and the blood of thousands marked the footsteps of in- 
vasion. In Italy, disaffection, conspiracy, jealousy, 
terror, detestation, revenge, fury and despair, surround- 
ed the throne — filled the capital — inspired every heart, 
and painted destruction in every face. In the army 
there was licentiousness, outrage, mutiny and desertion. 
The soldiers, in multitudes, forsook their standards, 
and in numberless and fierce banditti, infested the high- 
ways. The redress of wrongs and the recovery of 
rights expired with civil justice; and while the empire 
felt those strong but vain struggles, which were occasion- 
ed by the reaction of her natural force, her union, power, 
and military reputation vanished, and left her an im- 
mense chaos of discordant principles. 

An illustrious parentage gave high expectations of 
Commodus, but his conduct soon banished all hopes. He 
exhibited cruelties at which even Nero would have shud- 
dered, and he was more effeminate than Sardanapalus. 
It seems a pity, for the honor of humanity, that the 
name of so infamous a monster should have been pre- 
served. His feeble and licentious reign produced calam- 
ities to his country, after his vices had destroyed him, 
and he was no more. He was no sooner taken off by a 
conspiracy, conducted by his favorite mistress, than the 
choice of the army and senate clothed with the imperial 
purple, Helvetius Pertinax. He was above 60 years of 
age — had served under the illustrious Antonines — and 
was always noted equally for bravery and wisdom. He 
had risen from a private soldier, through. all the grades of 
military honor to that of praetorian prefect. With mod- 
esty and reluctance ha assumed the diadem, which he 
was destined to wear and to grace only long enough to 
demonstrate lite merit, and to <'nrol his name amongst the 
most excellent of the Roman emperors. 

If the d< i<e Romans discovered their mistake, in 

elevating to the throne a man whose administration i was 
utterly repugnant to their wishes, he much sooner disco- 
vered his, in thinking it possible to renovate the empire, 
^cv rapid I bie decline. The 



ROME. 18J5 

Roman armies, which under the Scipios had subdued Af- 
rica and Asia — which under Caasar had extended the em- 
pire beyond the Danube, and which under Trajan had 
conqueped beyond the Euphrates, were now the scorn 
and ridicule of the barbarians. Through a total want of 
discipline, all subordination was lost — all military spirit; 
nothing remained but discord, sedition, and outrage. Per- 
tinax commenced an administration vigorous, systematic 
and comprehensive. The empire, throughout her wide 
regions felt his power, and saw and revered the equity 
which marked all his movements. It was soon perceived 
that Pertinax would aim to suppress those irregularities 
and restore the discipline of the army to its ancient se- 
verity — that he would revive the institutions of civil jus- 
tice, and retrieve the fallen dignity of the Roman name. 
But alas ! his noble intentions and excellent schemes 
could not be effectuated by mortal prowess ;; the nation 
was too far gone — too deeply sunk in vice and luxury. 
The palace, the court, and the capital were filled and 
surrounded with a swarm of execrable villains, whom 
the vices of Commodus had rendered necessary — whom 
his weakness had emboldened, and the corruption of the 
times had furnished in abundance. His first care was to 
displace these — to exalt men to power who w ere worthy 
to rule, and to restrain and punish the insolence of the 
praetorian guards. 

He had just entered on this salutary but arduous work, 
when he was informed, one day, that a mutiny was rai- 
sing in the army. He had only time to walk to the gate of his 
palace, when he perceived a large body of soldiers rapid- 
ly advancing with angry clamors and menacing im- 
precations. As they drew near, he stood his ground and with 
a firm dignity demanded their business. Without mak- 
ing any reply, a Scythian soldier struck him dead at a 
blow. His head was severed from his body and carried 
on a pole to the camp ; where immediately after the empire 
was offered at public sale to the highest bidder. It was 
bid off by a sordid wretch, who assumed the purple, but 
who in a few days, suffered all the severities of the fate of 
Pertinax, without any of the pity and regret which will 
follow the memory of that great man to the latest posterity. 

It is matter of regret that so little is known of Perti. 
nix. that so few circumstances have escaped oblivion, 

AS 



180 EOME. 

which would more clearly elucidate his private 
ter ; .mid especially, that so short a time was allowed him 
of displaying the energy of command, the wisdom of le- 
gislation* and the greatness of man. Historians, bow- 
i , unite in allowing him to rank with the most worthy 
men who ever governed Rome. His energy was guided 
by justice — his authority was tempered with sweetness, 
and all his supereminent qualities combined to form a 
character truly great and amiable. 

Were it safe, however, at this distance of time, one 
might conjecture that he was too severe and hasty in his 
first essays at reformation. Had he, by some politic and 
impenetrable movement, contrived to separate, and re- 
move to a distance his licentious soldiery, till he could 
have levied and disciplined an army to his mind, per- 
haps he might have enjoyed a longer and more fortunate 
gn. But what power can renovate a nation totally ef- 
feminate and corrupt ! Pertinax, by his abilities and ad- 
dress, ascended from the lowest to the highest rank among 
men. His reverses were so numerous, great and sudd- 
that historians have given him the peculiar appellation of 
the tennis ball of fortune. 

From the death of Pertinax till that of Augustulus, 
the last of the Roman emperors of the west, was 282 
years, during which time no less than fifty-six emperors 
swayed the sceptre in succession. Their names may be 
seen in the tables subjoined : and for an account of their 
vices, (for little more is recorded of them,) the reader 
must be referred to the history of the decline of the Ro 
man empire : on which part of history, Gibbon is the 
ablest and most elegant writer in our language. 

The artful and insidious endeavors of that writer to 
bvert Christianity, and to substitute, no one knows what, 
in its place, arc obvious to every reader : yet his merit 
as a writer cannot be questioned ; and although his oppo- 
sition to Christianity, betrayed, him into man;, ab- 
surdities suited to the complexion of his prejudices, yet 
Ids history of the decline and fall of the Roman emp 
the noblest of historical productions, 
much has been already said concerning the declin3 
of the Roman empire, that the young reader may be sur- 
prised when he understands that it stood upwards of two 
s period. But that empire could only 



ROME. 187 

die a lingering death. West of it lay the Atlantic ocean, 
south lay Africa, which, since the fall of Carthage, was 
without power, east lay Asia, dissolved in luxury, al- 
ways ready to be conquered, as soon as attacked, and en- 
slaved as soon as invaded ; and so far from subduing 
Home, that they were even too effeminate to maintain a 
form of government over themselves. 

The barbarous nations which lay north of the empire 
were indeed numerous and warlike ; but they could not 
subdue the Romans, till they had learned of them the art 
of war.; And the power of Rome, under the emperors, 
lay chiefly in the northern provinces, where it was most 
needed. As we have already said, sixteen or twenty le- 
gions generally lay bordering upon the Rhine and Dan- 
ube. The barbarians, in these times, were generally 
poorly clothed and fed, and had few arms, as well as lit- 
tle knowledge of the art of war. Their invasions were 
like those of a hungry lion, whom fierce appetite impels 
to rush on the point of the spear, in order to seize its 
prey ; and their chief difficulty was want of union. 
Their tribes were composed of warlike, fierce, impetuous 
spirits ; but they were unsettled, barbarous, roving, in- 
dependent, and jealous of the power of their chiefs, as 
well as tenacious of the honor of their tribes. 

Yet the nations composing the northern hive could not 
but experience a gradual improvement. Their proximity 
to a great and enlightened people, with whom they were 
at perpetual war — their strength of body — their in- 
tellectual vigor, and ambition to acquire those arts 
which had so long rendered the Romans invincible, must, 
in time, have produced their natural and unavoidable 
effects. Iu the barbarian armies and countries there 
must have been a multitude of Romans : numbers having 
fled from justice, or induced to rove, from disgust at 
their own capricious and tyrannical government, would 
naturally seek an asylum in the wilds of Europe, and 
among a more free and equitable people. 'Numbers 
being detained there would, at length, yield to necessity, 
and voluntarily remain in a land, whither they had been 
dragged as captives, assimilating by degrees to its cus- 
toms and habits. 

The Gauls and Germans, from the period now before 
as, composed the strength of ^Iig Roman armies ; and 



188 HOME. 

umbers of these nations, whom we shall inch 
il the (tot lis, and Vandals, and Huns, 
were now admitted into the Roman service, either as 
unnries or auxiliaries. Some of them were promoted 
ha highest stations, both civil and military, and even 
wore the imperial diadem and purple. Many of these, 
either never had, or else lost all attachment to Rome: 
and, rejoining their countrymen, carried and diffused 
among them the arts of war, and advantages of disci 
plined valor. 

From the reign of Commodus to the extinction of the 
western empire, history presents one uniform scene of 
disorder, vice and misery. We have almost constantly 
before our eyes, a great empire going rapidly to de- 
struction under the influence of bad government. A 
very few of the emperors, however, during this dreary 
period, were both able statesmen and commanders. 
Had it been their fortune to have reigned in happier 
times, and over a more virtuous people, their administra- 
tions would have done more important service to man- 
kind. But their best measures and greatest exertions, 
seemed only to have the effect of medicines given to the 
sick man after his disease has become incurable ; they 
might a little procrastinate, but could not prevent the 
moment of dissolution. 

About the year of Christ 267, the emperor Valerian 
was taken prisoner by the Persians, when no less than 
thirty persons in various parts of the empire assumed 
the imperial purple, with the titles of Caesar and Au- 
gustus ; and each of them endeavoured to support his 
claims and titles by the sword. There can be no 
stronger proof than this of the extreme wretchedness of 
those times. Allfwas tumult, war, distrust, cruelty and 
the most sudden and bloody revolutions. 

But there arc two circumstances in the period of history 
now before us, which merit the particular attention of 
the reader, viz. the establishment of the christian religi- 
on throughout the empire, by means of the conversion 
of the emperor Constantino, surnamed the Great ; and 
hi& removal of the seat of government from Rome to the 
ancient city Byzautium, which he rebuilt and called 
roustantinople, or the City of Comtantine. 



KOME. 189 

We have already uoticed the rapid spread of the 
christian religion. In the days of Constantine it had 
penetrated almost every part of the empire. K o sooner, 
therefore, did that prince declare in favor of it, than it 
became the religion of the court, the capital, and soon 
of the empire itself. This was truly an amazing change, 
and forms one of the most memorable aeras in ecclesias- 
tical history : a meek and humble religion unknown to 
the world, or if known, despised and persecuted, set on 
foot by a few obscure persons in Judea, and propagated 
only by the force of rational conviction, spread and pre- 
vailed against all opposition — overturned the altars and 
silenced the oracles of the heathen ; and at last, through 
hosts of prejudices fortified by antiquity, and sanctioned 
by universal custom, made its way to the throne of the 
CsBsars. It was like a " stone cut out of a mountain 
without hands, becoming a great mountain and filling 
the whole earth. " 

There are various accounts given, and various opin- 
ions formed, concerning the conversion of Constantino 
Whether his mind was swayed by the power of truth, or 
by temporal, political and interested motives, is not easy 
to determine. It is related and believed by some that 
his conversion was miraculous. They say that he saw 
in the heavens the sign of the cross, with this inscription 
in radiant letters, ToZto n/*«, i. e. By this conquer, and that 
upon this he immediately embraced Christianity. His 
life and conduct were by no means eminent for christian 
virtue, nor was he wholly free from crimes of the deepest 
die. 

From this period the christian church was loaded with 
honor, wealth and power; nor did her virtue ever 
sustain a severer trial. The chief dignitaries of the 
empire could scarcely do less than imitate their master^ 
and Christianity soon became a necessary qualification for 
public office. The church now no longer appeared in 
her ancient simplicity and purity ; lords and princes 
were among her converts, and she was dressed in robes 
of state. Her ceremonies were increased — her forms ot 
worship were loaded with pomp and splendor — her 
doctrines were intermingled with the senseless jargon of 
a philosophy equally absurd and vain ; and the way 
seemed prepared, not only for the decay of christian 



190 ML. 

doctrine and morality, hut of every science which (lis 
civilized from savage nation 

After various wars and competitions, Constantine, in 
the year of Christ, 320, became sole master of the Ro- 
man empire. Me certainly did whatever could be done, 
by an accomplished general and statesman, towards re- 
storing the empire to its ancient glory. But, alas ! he 
did not reign over the ancient Romans. His people had 
been often defeated, humbled, enslaved, and trampled 
in the dust. The true Roman spirit was long since 
utterly extinguished ; and, as we have had occasion to 
observe, Italy itself was filled with a mighty heterogene- 
ous mass of population, of no fixed character. His 
strong genius for a moment sustained, but could not ul- 
timately save, the falling fabric. 

The ambition of Constantine gave a more fatal blow 
to the Roman empire than even the vices of Commodus. 
To secure to himself a glory equal with that of Romulus, 
he formed the resolution of changing the seat of empire. 
The place upon which he pitched as a new capital, and 
which should immortalize his name, was indeed well 
chosen. The ancient city of Byzantium enjoyed the 
finest port in the world, on the straits of Hosphorus, 
which communicate with those inland seas, whose shores 
lire formed by the most opulent and delightful countries 
of Europe and Asia. Thither Constantine caused the 
wealth of the empire to be conveyed, and directly a new 
and splendid city arose which was able to rival ancient 
Rome. That proud capital, so long the mistress of 
suddenly became but a satellite, and was for- 
n of honor, wealth, and glory); since the emperor, 
and all who were devoted to his interest, used every 
possible mean to exalt the new sent of empire. 

This woun deadly and incurable. It proved 

fatal not oni to the western empire. 

Rome was utterly abandoned by Constantine : nor was 

•!) alleviated under his -ors, among whom a 

anent division of the empire taking place, Rome 

and Italy fell under the government of a series of weak, 

miserable, short lived tyrants, who rose by conspiracy 

and fell by murder in rapid succession : till, in the 476th 

of the christian ara, Augustulus, the last of the 

was conquered and dethroned by 



ROME. l$i 

Odoacer, king of the Heruli, who, at the head of an 
immense army of barbarians, overrun all Italy, and put 
a period to the western empire. 

Thus ended Rome, after having stood 1229 years ; 
and when we consider the length of her duration, her 
character, and the nature and extent of her resources, 
we shall not hesitate to pronounce her the most powerful 
and important city which ever existed, and as standing 
at the head of the first rank of cities. But if this re- 
mark is true of Home in the times of which we are now 
speaking, it will serve to awaken our admiration, when 
we consider that Rome survived even this shock ; and, 
as though she was destined to bear rule, from being the 
head of a most powerful empire, she soon became the 
head of an ecclesiastical institution not less powerful ; 
she spread her wing over all the powers of Europe : they 
trembled at her mandates -J she deposed monarchs at her 
pleasure, trampled on crowns and sceptres, and, for ten 
centuries, exerted the most despotic sovereignty.! She 
is even to this day one of the finest cities in the world* 



CHAPTER XIX. 

BRIEF HISTORICAL VIEW OF THE COURSE OF EMPIRE, FROM 
THE FALL OF ROME TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE 
EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE, CONTAINING A PERIOD OF 
THREE HUNDRED AND TWENTY FOUR YEARS. 

FROM the fall of the Roman empire, a period of 
darkness ensued, equally dreadful for its length and for 
the number and greatness of its calamities upon mankind. 
To trace the history of those times, is like making a 
progress through chaos, amidst upper, nether, and sur- 
rounding darkness. We will first notice the fortunes of 
Constantinople, commonly called the Eastern, and in 
late periods of history, the Greek empire. 

The successors of Constantine, whom, in this coni- 
pend, it will be impossible for us even to name, were 
more fortunate in the east than in the west. The number- 
less swarms of barbarians, which, in these times, poured 
down from the north of Europe, generally directed 



11)3 VIEW OF THE 

their course more westwardly and inundated France, 
Spain, Italy, and even Africa. The empire of Con- 
stantinople was various in its extent : sometimes its 
ry extensive, and at others were limited 
almost to the city walls. But this city was destined to 
enjoy a great h:h\ almost peculiar felicity. It stood un- 
rilled and unimpaired through all the storms and revolu- 
ti» ns of i lie dark ages. It was never taken by the 
barbarians of the north, nor of the east. It was even 
for. nougu to escape the rage of civil war, and to 

survive for many ages to triumph over the vices of its de- 
generate inhabitants ; till, at length, it was taken by Ma- 
homet II, emperor of the Turks, in the year 1453, — 977 
years after the conquest of Rome by the Goths. 

During this long period* the reader will find few things 
in the history of Constantinople worthy of very particular 
notice. That empire neither abounded in heroes, philos- 
ophers, poets, orators, nor historians. Yet the preserva- 
tion of that one city to so late a period, was certainly an 
important link in the chain of events which restored the 
arts and sciences. The writers of the middle ages, am) 
especially the crusaders, speak in the highest terms of the 
greatness and splendor of Constantinople. Her iinal sub- 
jugation to the Turks appears to have been a just judg- 
ment of providence upou her, since, though beating the 
christian name, she almost uniformly carried a hostile 
front to all christian powers — made more wars upon them, 
and exercised more animosity towards them, than she 
did towards Pagans or Mahometans. 

If we except Constantinople, the whole of Europe, 
from the fall of Rome to the establishment of Charle 
magrre, resembled a troubled ocean. The most splendid 
cities — the most populous countries, and the most de 
light ful regions of the earth, were harassed and ov< 
whelmed with ruin and desolation. We natural); 
turn our ey< rd Italy, whose wretched inhabitants 

we, i!. The historians of those 

tim -(led nil conception— 

that neither pens nor pencils can describe the. barbarity, 
the \ iolenee of their savage conquero; 

All were converted into plunder ; their men 

of e it to the sword* 

dragged ini othc me 



COURSE OF EMPIRE. 1^8 

brutal violence, ami their cities and villages wrapped in 
flames. 

We can give the reader no juster idea of the miseries 
of Rome, than by noticing to him, that during this pe- 
riod, that devoted city was besieged and taken by storm 
five times in the space of twenty years. Those northern 
invaders, after having conquered and in a measure des- 
troyed the unwarlike inhabitants of the Roman provin- 
ces, fell with fury upon one another, and several gloomy* 
centuries were wasted away in the horrors of the most 
bloody and desolating war. The Mediterranean sea did 
not secure the northern shores of Africa from those terri- 
ble invasions. Au immense horde of Vandals found their 
way thither and settled in those fruitful countries. But 
their settlement, so far from taking a regular consistent 
and pacific form, remained a perpetual scourge, and ac- 
complished the utter ruin of these once opulent regions. 

Mankind in those unhappy times, seemed utterly lost 
to all mental improvement, as well as to all sense of hu- 
manity. For several ages the whole human race scarce- 
ly produced one ornament, or could boast of one illus- 
trious character to illumine the universal gloom, or to cast 
a partial beam of light through the intellectual chaos : so 
far from it, that those days were spent in destroying the 
noblest works of art and genius. A diligent search was 
made for the mostvaluable productions of antiquity, not to 
preserve and treasure up, but to demolish, to burn, and to 
destroy. Nor did barbarians alone pursue the work of de- 
struction ; the superstitions of the apostate christian church, 
in too many instances, lent their aid to that infernal work. 

In this cursory survey, it would be impossible to notice 
the slight shades of difference in the situation of the nu- 
merous provinces of the Roman empire. And as these 
times produced no historians, it would be arrogance to at- 
tempt to tell the reader what was going on, generally 
speaking, in the eastern parts of the world. We could 
say little more than that the empire of China stood firm 
in its strength, having already flourished for many age9. 
ludia and Persia have been subject to changes, divisions 
and revolutions from time immemorial — especially the 
former ; aud the Greek writers are, perhaps, the only 
historians who ever wrote correctly the Persian history. 
It was but partially known before, and has been far litfs 

B2 



1^4 VIEW OF THE 

tugustan age. The north of Europe was 
only known by the incredible swarms of barbarians 
which issued from it, and overwhelmed the civilized 
world. Of the history of Arabia we shall soon have oc- 

ion to speak ; and concerning the immense interior of 
Asia, commonly called Tartary, the best of modem geo- 

tphers are yet almost wholly ignorant, as also of the 
middle regions of Africa. 

The island of Great Britain has been known in histo 
ry since the time of its conquest by Julius Caesar. The 
Britons made a formidable resistance to his arms, and 
were never but partially conquered. When the Roman 
empire fell, that island shared in the general calamities. 
The British called over to their aid the Saxons, a nation 
from Germany, to assist them against the fury of the 
Picts and Scots, by whom they were invaded. The 
Saxons, led by Hengist and Horsa, two powerful chief- 
tains readily obeyed the call, and, according to the fash- 
ion of the age, came over in such numbers, as not only 
to repel the Picts and Scots, but to conquer and enslave 
the Britons themselves. They therefore settled in the 
south pails of the island, and at length erected themselves 
into seven petty but independent kingdoms, commonly 
called the Saxon heptarchy. These were at length uni- 
ted into one government by Egbert, who, about the year 
800. reigned over them all and founded the English mon- 
archy. This brings" the English history to the close of 
the period which was to be the subject of the present 
chapter. 

Arabia forms the southwest corner of Asia. It is a 
tract of country considerably more than a thousand miles 
are, and is peninsulated by the Persian gulf on the, 
east, and the lied Sea on the west of it. This great 
country is supposed to have been peopled originally by 
tbe family of Ishmael the son of Abraham. 

Of Ishmael it was foretold, that he should be an ar 
cher, and that his hand should be against every man, and 
every man's hand against him. This prediction seems 
to have been fully accomplished in his posterity. The 
Arabs have ever been excellent horsemen and archers, 
formidable with the bow and the lance, and they have 
been wild men, and have dwelt in the desert. A singu- 
lar circumstance in their history is, that they have nevtr 



COURSE OF EMPIRE. 195 

been conquered or subjugated by any nation, although it 
has been attempted successively (by the Chaldeans, the 
Persians, the Romans, and in late ages, by the Turks. 

In the beginning of the seventh century, a fire 
broke out in Arabia, which for a while, threatened to in- 
volve in its flames all Europe and Asia. It is remarked 
by an able historian, as a wonderful synchronism, that 
the very same year in which the Roman pontiff was pro- 
claimed universal bishop, Mahomet, the grand impostor, 
forged the Alcoran in a cave at Mecca/ The usurpations 
of the Romish church were then complete — the beast 
was at his full growth, and was then ready to begin his 
reign. It would thence seem probable, that the beast and 
the false prophet began and will end their career nearly 
together. 

It is matter of doubt, whether the great exploits and 
astonishing elevation of some men, are to be sat down to 
the account of their extraordinary natural endowments, 
or to a favourable coincidence of events in the world 
around them. Mahomet, from an obscure parentage, 
birth and education, rose to a height, and with a rapidity, 
almost without a parallel. From the occupation, of a 
tradesman he retired to a cave in Mecca, where be pre- 
tended he had frequent interviews with an angel, by 
whose assistance and direction he wrote the Koran on the 
plate bones of camels. He at length issued from the 
cave, and began to publish his mission to the people of 
Mecca. A storm was soon raised against him there, 
and he fled from Mecca to Medina, \in Arabia. This 
flight the Mahometans call the hegeira v and regard it as 
their grand epoch, as we do the birth of Christ. The 
followers of Mahomet soon became numerous — he sub- 
dued or rather revolutionized his native country, and, 
in a short time, all the neighboring countries. His re 
ligion spread with his arms, aud was embraced when- 
ever he conquered.] 

The Saracens, \ as Mahomet's followers were called, 
after his death still pursued their conquests ; and, in a 
very short time, all the west of Asia, the north of Africa, 
and the south of Europe were overrun by this dreadful 
inundation ; which, if p6ssible, was more bloody aud 
exterminating than that of the Goths and Vandals. A 
final stop however, was put to the progress of the Sara- 



iy6 VIEW OF THE 

ccns in Europe by Charles Martcl, ; who defeated them 
with greafc slaughter near the Pyrenees, killing, it is 
said, 370,000 of them in one dayj This battle wa« 
fought in the year 734. 

Mahomet declared himself to be the prophet of God, 
sent into the world to enlighten and reform mankind ; 
and that he was clothed with greater light and power? 
than either Moses or Christ. His doctrines and morality 
were drawn from such sources as would best suit the 
prejudices, and obtain currency among the nations 
whom he conquered. They were extracted from the 
Jewish and christian scriptures — from oriental traditions 
— from the legendary trash of the rabbies, and indeed, 
from the inventive genius of Mahomet himself, whose 
knowledge of mankind enabled him to foresee how they 
might easiest be led and governed. He taught the unity 
of God, and the universality of his providence, or rather, 
in the strictest sense, the doctrines of the fatalist. 

His scheme of morality allowed the full indulgence of 
the passions, being exactly suited to the most depraved 
mind ; and he so managed the affairs of a future state, 
-that they could have no influence in favour of virtue or 
in opposition to vice. 

It was not without reason, that he relied on the natural 
disposition of men for the ultimate success of his doc- 
trines, but his main arguments, for their propagation, 
were fire and sword. 

The kingdoms of Europe in general, as to their extent 
and boundaries, seem to have been parcelled out by acci- 
dent, or more properly by nature. Spain is marked out 
by oceans and mountains — France by oceans, mountains, 
and rivers — Germany and Italy in like manner. As 
early as the period under consideration, some remote 
vestages may be discovered of the present European 
establishments. Early in the sixth century, Clovis laid 
the foundation of the French monarchy ; at which time 
the rage of emigration by nations had generally subsided, 
either because the wilds of Europe had poured forth all 
their daring spirits, or because a general repletion of the 
southern provinces had rendered a kind of reflux ne- 
cessary. No part of Europe had oftener been traversed 
and ransacked than France; but as they found less 
plunder there ; they generally pushed forward to other 



COURSE OF EMPIRE. 197 

countries. The Franks at length made a settlement 
there, after having driven out and destroyed several 
Gothic nations,Y\vho r had previously dispossessed the Ro- 
mans and acient Gauls. From the Franks the couutry 
is supposed to have obtained the name of France. The 
Franks, after maintaining long and bloody wars with 
subsequent invaders for several ages, at length found 
themselves united by a more regular form of government 
under Clovis, who is reckoned the founder of the first 
dynasty of French monarchs. 

During the period now before us, the face of Europe 
was changed, as we have already stated, by the Gothic 
and Saracen eruptions. The first care of these barba- 
rous invaders was to destroy and for ever to obliterate the 
inhabitants, the institutions, the manners and customs of 
the countries which they subdued. A far more difficult 
task than this was to maintain their acquisitions against 
subsequent invaders ; for the north of Europe, like an 
immense storehouse of nations, poured forth innumerable 
hordes, in rapid succession. These were equally hostile 
to each other, and knew nothing but to make war — to 
kill and ravage wherever they came. Whether it was 
owing, however, to the softening influence of mild 
climates, combined with the scattered rays of science, 
humanity, and order, which had escaped the overwhelm- 
ing flood of darkness ; or whether to the imperceptible 
influence of various unknown causes upon individuals — 
the people in the south and west of Europe, instead of 
sinking into a savage state, began, in the sixth century, 
to assume a regular form of government, which, though 
bad in itself, yet, under the influence of a natural course 
of causes ultimately led on to the present state of Europe. 

The northern barbarians entertained a high sense of 
freedom, and each of them considered himself as en- 
titled to a liberal share of whatever his tribe should con- 
quer. Each great chieftain, therefore, granted out and 
divided the conquered lands to the high officers next 
himself, and they -subdivided the same among their 
followers or vassals ; under this express condition, that 
each man should do military service a certain part of his 
time to his immediate lord, and that each lord or great 
vassal of the court should also do military service to the 
grand chieftain or king. This division of property 
which prevailed in every part of Europe, was grounded 



MEW OF THE 

wholly on military policy : it became, in fact, the only 
• system of defence for several centuries, and 
iued the name of the feudal Bystem, 

This >ystem of property, government, and war, al- 
i hough it must be regarded as a happy change from a 
direful plunge of the human species into anarchy, and 
all the degradations of a savage state, yet was radically 
defective and certainly conduced to protract the-ages dl 
darknc>^. Still, however, it left room for the slow 
operation of causes which would naturally correct, im- 
prove, and elevate the human mind ; and which would 
at length originate other causes, far more efficient and 
vapid in rending the veil of darkness, and once more 
ushering the nations into the light of science and civility. 
Those who would see this subject handled with great 
elegance and perspicuity, may find it in the first volume 
of Dr. .Robertson's History of Charles V. We 
here only observe that the exorbitant power oi the 
middle order was the grand defect of the feudal system. 
The great lords held the power of life and death over 
their own subjects ; and also the right of making war in 
their own defence. Of course, if with such an extent 
of prerogative, they confederated, they always out- 
weighed the king — if they were at war with each other, 
which was often the case, the king had no control over 
them, because it was impossible for him to raise or com- 
mand an army without their assistance. On the one 
hand, therefore, the hands of the monarch were tied ; 
and, on the other, the lowest order were little belt i th 
abject slaves to their immediate governors. 

The feudal governments were at no great remove fr< 
the very worst of oligarchies. The want of pov 
the prince, and the force of the nation so divided, render- 
ed them weak against invasion. This weak is in- 
creased by the jealousies and turbulence of the 
lords, who frequently occasioned civil wars, and at length 
reduced them to a state of anarchy, from which they 
could only be recovered and -e-united by uuion, and a 
strong of common dan. 

In ihe midst of the fluctuating waves of war, revolu- 
tion, and anarchy, the powerful and fortunate genius of 
Charlemagne erected a new empire in Europe; which, 
for a moment bid fair to cut short the reign of darkness, 
and re establish those institutions which imnrove and 



COURSE OF EMPIRE. 199 

ailnrn society. His dominion comprehended the fairest 
parts of Europe, France, Germany, and Italy.) This 
event took place in the beginning of the ninth century. 

But as nothing can be more uninteresting than the ste- 
ril histories of the wars and revolutions of the dark ages, 
so, even what is known of the battles, the sieges, the vic- 
tories, the conquests, the elevation, and the grandeur of 
Charlemagne, will be little more improving to the reader 
of history, than to tell him that Charlemagne was a sol- 
dier of fortune — that he fought bravely, and was general- 
ly victorious ; in a word, that he established a huge em- 
pire, consisting of a heterogenous mass of crude mate- 
rials — incongruous, disjointed members, and which he 
governed for several years not by any regular plan of 
civil policy, which the nations were then as incapable of 
receiving as of organizing, but by a strong military arm, 
which he wielded with dexterity and success ; and that, 
when he expired, his empire fell into pieces. 

In justice, however, to this great monarch, it must be 
noticed that he was far from resembling the fierce, cruel, 
and barbarous chieftains of the Goths or Saracens. In- 
stead of deserving the title of Attila, the scourge of 
God, and the terror of men, he is justly celebrated for 
cultivating the arts of peace — for encouraging men of 
learning and wisdom, and for promoting various impor- 
tant civil institutions. "\ 

Perhaps, but for him, Europe had still remained under 
the cloud of Gothic ignorance. He merits an honorable 
rank among those great and powerful minds, which evin- 
ced the possibility of checking the strong current of the 
times ; and, could he have lived and reigned for a 
century, he might have raised Europe from her degraded 
state. But time, and a long series of events, could only 
mature those seeds of order and virtue, which under his 
administration began to vegetate, but which, in a man- 
ner, disappeared with him, and left the world in still 
palpable darkness. 

And here, as in the middle watches of the night, We 
shall close the first volume of this rapid and cursory 
survey, and leave the reader to repose in hope of a fairer 
morning — though a morning without clouds is hardly to 
be expected in a world, abounding, as this hitherto has, 
more with vice than with virtue, and more with darkness 

han with light. 



TO THE READER. 



IN the preceding rolume, we hare attempted to sketch the great 
line of history, through the ancient nations. A similar attempt with 
regard to the modern, and on the same scale, however small it may 
appear, would be impracticable, without extending the work far 
beyond its intended limit. The reader has already been apprised 
that a methodical abridgment, even in the former part of the work, 
was not intended — much less will it be in the subsequent. 



As we approach our own times, the subject matter of history be- 
comes so copious, that its very outline would fill volumes ; and its 
skeleton could not be accurately drawn but in a work of magnitude. 



In passing through afield so wide and diversified, we shall be able 
only to suggest some of the principal topics of historical observation. 
It will be like gliding lightly and swiftly over the numberless waves 
of the ocean, and touching only some of their highest tops * Yet 
our selection of topics has not been vithout regard to the pleasure 
and profit of the reader. It is feared that the rapidity ai.d general 
nature of the narration, kept up for so long a time, will ci; nd 
disgust the mind. But we apprehend less danger from this sc . ce, 
than from a strictly chronological form, which would exhibit a sinch 
greater number of facts, but without combination. 

In our choice of objects to present to the experienced reader, \ve 
have had continual reference to the power of association, and have 
endeavoured to present such as will be most likely to bring to re- 
membrance groups of ideas and circumstances, which were ©nc? 
fresh, but are now fading in the mind. 

* " Atque rotis sunnriai levibu? parlabitur undas, v 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



VOL. II. 



CHAPTER I. Page,. 
BRTEF Historical View of Europe, from the beginning of the 
ninth to that of the sixteenth century, containing a period of 
700 years, 1 

CHAPTER II. 
The Crusades, 6 

CHAPTER III. 

— — , The Ottoman Turks, -.•-() 

CHAPTER IV. 

! Important Discoveries and Improvements, 15 

CHAPTER V. 

i Historical View of the Nations of Europe, from the six- 
tenth cemury to the present day, - - - - •> 20 

CHAPTER VI. 
France, 33 

CHAPTER VII. 

The Northern Powers, - - - - 4C 

CHAPTER VIII. 
Great Britain, - - - - 61 

CHAPTER IX. 
■ ■■ — • The Ecclesiastical St&tes, - - - 72 

CHAPTER X. 

Present State of Europe, 70 

CHAPTER XI. 
esent State of Asia, 94 

CHAPTER XII. 
-- ■ i 01 Africa, 110 

CHAPTER XIII. 
^ . - Of America, 126 

Brief Dissertation on the Importance of Historical Knowledge, 181 

Chronological Tables, 190 



A 

COMPEND OF HISTORY, 



FROM TIIE 



EARLIEST TIMES ; 

COMPREHENDING A GENERAL VIEW OF THE 

PRESENT STATE OF THE WFOMJLlB 9 



WITH RESPECT TO 



CIVILIZATION, RELIGION, AND GOVERNMENT; 



A BRIEF DISSERTATION 

ON THE 

IMPORTANCE OF HISTORICAL KNOWLEDGE. 

THIRD EDITION, WITH THE AUTHOR'S LAST CORRECTIONS: 



BV SAMUEL V HELPLUY, A. M. 

PRINCIPAL OP THE NEWARK ACADEMY. 



TWO VOLUMES IN ONE. 
VOL. II. 



NEW-YORK: 

JBl'B&lSHED BY WHITING & WATSON, NO. 96, BROADWAY. 

:.D & VAN VZLT, PBUtfEie, 9 WALL-STREET. 

1814. 



histrict of Ntiv-Yorl, to wit : 

fiE it remembered tlmt on the sixteenth day of June, in the thirty 

nth year of the Independence of the United States of America, 

Whiting ^V Watson, of the said district hath deposited in this office 

the title of a book, the right w hereof they claim as proprietor?, in the 

nrords and figures. following, to wit: 

1 A Compendof History, from tlie earliest Times: comprehend- 
"hlg a general View of the present State of the World, with 
vk respect to Civilization* Religion and Government, and a brief 
• Dissertation on the Importance of Historical Knowledge. 
* Third revised Edition with the authors last corrections, lly 
inuel \\ helpley, A. M. Principal of the Newark Academy. 
«■ In two Volumes." 
In conformity to the eet of the Congress of the United States, en- 
titled an aci for the encouragemeut of [earning, l>y securing the 
copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of 
such copies, during the times therein mentioned; and also, to the 
act, entitled, an act supplementary to an act, entitled an act lor the 
encouragement of learning by securing the copies of maps, charts 
and books to the authors and proprietors ol such copies during the 
times therein mentioned, and extending the benefits tl i the 

arts of designing, engraving and etching, historical and other prints. 

THERON Kl T I)f). 
CUrk of the District o >rk. 



HISTORICAL COMFEND. 



CHAPTER I. 

'BRIEF HISTORICAL VIEW OF EUROPE, FROM THE BEGIN- 
NING OF THE NINTH TO THAT OF THE SIXTEENTH CEN- 
TURY, CONTAINING A PERIOD OF SEVEN HUNDRED 
YEARS. 

THE history of Europe, from the 9th to the 16th cen- 
tury, presents the following important particulars, viz. 
The decay of the feudal system — the crusades — the re- 
vival of commerce, followed by that of the liberal arts and 
sciences — the organization and establishment of several 
European powers — the origin, rise and progress of the 
Turks ; and blended with the whole, a series of bloody 
and desolating wars, the offspring of depravity and 
ambition. 

During the period now before us, we shall, in this and 
the following chapters, take notice of such leading traits 
of character and such events only as concern Europe in 
general. 

In a former chapter we have given such a general 
sketch of the feudal system, as was judged sufficient in 
that place. We shall, however, further remark here, 
that that system, not only opened a new sera on the 
people of Europe, but gave to the various wheels of 
society a momentum which still influences their motions. 
The feudal chieftains acquired an ascendency, especially 
in property, which still continues to mark the grades in 
society : and though the feudal tenures have gradually 
melted away, and given place to a more civic form, es- 
pecially in England, yet the ancient grants of lands 
marked out certain channels, in which property must for 
a long time continue to flow. 



C 2 



The feudal system may be defined, the granting of 
lands to certain persons, in consideration of military 
services. At what time, or in what place this custom 
originated, it is not easy to determine it is the opinion 
oi many that it was rather the accidental result uf the 
state of society and property, which succeeded the over- 
throw of the Roman empire by the barbarians. Kut 
others, among wiiom judge Blacks tone is the chief, affirm 
it to have been among the ancient customs oi the north 
of Europe, as early us the times of Julius Caesar. We 
shall leave this inquiry to be pursued by such as have 
leisure and inclination. 

This system gave a direction to the spirit of freedom, 
prevalent among the descendants of the conquerors of 
Rome, with which the ancients were never acquainted. 
This was fully displayed in the institutions of chivalry 
and knight errantry. The general object of those in- 
stitutions appears to have been, the promotion and de- 
fence of integrity, honor, virtue, innocence, and merit 
in general. They often, indeed, awakened too keen a 
sense of injury, and thirst for revenge, and of course 
terminated in blood : but they certainly led the way to 
that refinement of sensibility, which is the chief orna- 
ment of civilization. To those institutions must un- 
doubtedly be ascribed, the merit of raising the female 
sex to that rank, which they ought to hold as rational 
beings and members of society : and of securing to them 
that treatment — that protection and respect which arc due 
to their softness, their delicacy, and their superior sen- 
sibility. 

The raising of the female sex to (he rank and estima- 
tion they now hold, in the politer nations, must certainly 
be 1 regarded as one of the most illustrious events record- 
ed in civil history. Though it seems to have arisen out 
of chivalry and knight errantry, yet the truth probably 
is, tli.it its origin is traceable to a deeper cause. The 
people of the north of Europe had very early broken 
loose from the inebriating manners, and despotic go- 
vernments of Asia, and had, of course, never imbibed 
their maxims, but retained a strong sense of the native 
independence, liberty, and equality of men. Those 
original notions when refined, a little, by the inHuence 
of wealth and learning, enkindled a spirit of gallantry 
and personal honor. 



EUROPE. 3 

The spirit of chivalry carried men to all lengths in de- 
fence of their own honor, or of that of the lady whose prow 
tection they had avowed. They would run all hazards, 
dangers, and difficulties, encounter ajl hardships, or face 
death in every form. 

Those principles and passions, when ameliorated by 
the lapse of ages — when restrained by the influence of 
enlightened morality and salutary laws, form some of 
the noblest traits in the human character. And it is plea- 
sing to look back into those barbarous times, and see the 
seeds of order and improvement, even among the Goths 
and Vandals, which should one day spring up and fa 
transcend the refinements of Greece and Rome. Th 
conquerors of Rome we generally and justly stile bar- 
barians ; but they were in many essential respects, less 
barbarous than the Romans whom they conquered.-—* 
They had more justice, integrity, and more of every man- 
ly virtue. They were far less depraved in their morals, 
and possessed minds at least capable of improvement. 

Another custom which was the genuine growth of the 
feudal system,) and which obtained an extensive influence 
through Europe^ was the trial by duel— the most unrea- 
sonable and extraordinary practice which, perhaps, ever 
obtained among men under the form of justice and legality. 
The decision of causes by duel became so credible and 
so common that even actions of debt were decided by it 
All possible disputes which required the intervention of 
law, were settled in open court by single combat. The 
person who failed was considered as having lost his cause, 
by an act that was providential and divine, j The evils 
and calamities of this practice were very great. In 
those times quarrels a»d controversies were frequent, 
and litigations incessant ; and the whole world even in 
times of peace, was overspread with slaughter, mourning 
and distress. Those capricious trials w r ere, at every step, 
liable to take a turn, which strongly marks the licentious 
freedom of the times ; for even the judge on the bench 
was liable to be challenged for his sentence, or an advo- 
cate or evidence at the bar for his advice or testimony. 
It was no uncommon thing for the judge to be challenged 
on account of his decision, the advocat^for his counsel, 
the witness for his testimony, and even the frier 3s of 
one party or the other for their countenance on the ogc* 



•I EUROPE. 

sion. But a case far more common tliau 
very often, previous to the day of trial, the plaintiff b\ 
defendant, the evidences or tliejiuL 'mated. 

Those were times of cruelty, of darkness and misery. 
There is great reason for gratitude to that all powerful, 
overruling providence which determined that mankind 
should see happier daj 

The revival of commerce was one of the natural eon- 
sequences, resulting from the spirit of liberty and enter- 
prise prevalent in the feudal system. Thi nt na- 
tions generally regarded every species of trail at- 
taching to itself a certain kind of ignominy and degrada- 
tion unworthy of nobility .But that reproach was w hor- 
fy wiped away in the revival of commerce, and it w 
thought not unworthy of the patronage and attention of 
lords and princes. 

Venice, Genoa, Pisa, and several other of the Italiau 
cities, having obtained certain privileges and exemptions 
from feudal customs, led the way in European commoi 
They soon rose to a degree of wealth and independei 
which gave them an influence in all the great concernjs of 
Europe. Venice was the first, the most powerful s\nd 
permanent republic which rose after the fall of the 1.' 

:i empire : and, next to Great Britain, is the most sur- . 
prising proof which any age affords of the power of 
commerce. 

When Maximin, the Roman emperor, besieged the au- 
cientcitj of .Acpiileia, the inhabitants perceiving that the 
tyrant would carry the city by storm, found means torn:. 
their escape in the night, and fled to the marshygroundfi 
which lie at the head of the Adriatic gulf. Tho 
are said to be accessible only bv one causeway or pf 
Here those unfortunate but harViy people settled 01 
cluster of little islands, and on Hats where the land and 
water disputed for empire. But tin- Aquileiai >ped 

in. and wrest! dominion from both, built whan 

and dikes, and bridges; and at Length with an intrepid 
in« unknown to the world, they raised a no- 

ble city, which may be regarded among the cities of mo- 
dern Kurope.' as the firstborn from chaos and darknc- 
Enriched by commerce, and ennobled by a sudden and 
revr^ji of taste, it soon became equally 
! powerful. Jt merited to have given law to 



EUROPE. 8 

Europe, and, for a while, had well nigh done it. Bat 
if it did not govern Europe, it certainly did for her a. 
much more honorable and illustrious task. It saved 
her from the horrid fangs of Turkish power ; and, in so 
doing, from a second age of darkness — perhaps from 
irretrievable' ruin. 

The power of the Venitians by sea was such as to be 
an overmatch for the Turks, till other powers arose in 
Europe who could cope with them by land. But the 
commerce of the Italian states filled all the ports of 
Europe with the richest commodities, and served to 
awaken a general spirit of enterprise, which had slum- 
bered for many centuries ; or, more properly speakings 
had as yet scarcely been awake. The/Italian states., in 
strictness, were the first commercial people who ever 
existed in Europe. The Romans, rightly called the 
descendants of Mars, were never a commercial people. 
They carried on, no doubt, some commerce, as they 
did arts and agriculture. But they, very early, found 
out a readier way of acquiring wealth. Instead of 
trading with nations, they conquered them, and took 
their effects in toto. When they had done conquering, 
and had nothing to do but enjoy their wealth, they still 
chose rather to fight than to trade. Of course they fought 
among themselves. The Gauls and Britons traded 
some : but their traffic was of a limited and local nature, 
and in the light of modern commerce, deserves not to be 
mentioned. Some of the Grecian states, indeed, did 
something in the commercial line, but their character 
was rather military and scientific. " They combat," 
said one, " for glory and not for interest." 

The empire of Charlemagne, although it survived him 
but a short time, strengthened and edified the French 
and German monarchies. Spain, at this time, contained 
several petty kingdoms ; and some of the Italian repub- 
lics, in the ninth and tenth centuries acquired perman- 
ence and a regular form of government. Little had yci 
occurred to break the force or loosen the foundations of 
the feudal system. It stood in its strength, and mighi 
for ever have remained an effectual bar to iho. improve- 
ment and civilization of Europe ; had not wild fanati- 
cism, and extravagant superstition at length effected, by 
the most extraordinary means, what never could have 



O EUROPE. 

been looked for in a regular course of probable events. 
An event took place which shook the minds of men from 
their established foundations — tore up from the bottom 
their deepest prejudices — awakened them from the 
9lumber of ignorance and the dreams of delusion, and 
uted before them illustrious motives and models of 
action. 



CHAPTER 11. 



THE SAME CONTINUED. THE CRUSADES. 

AT the end of the tenth century, a rumor prevailed 
through Europe that the Son of God was about to make 
his personal advent to this world, in order to establish 
an universal empire, the seat of which was to be at 
Jerusalem. It occurred, therefore, that it was a duty, 
the performance of which would confer illustrious merit, 
to rescue the holy land from the hands of infidels, in 
order to be in readiness for that grand event. It u 
proposed that the christians of Europe should march in 
a body sufficient to crush the mahometan powers of Asia ; 
and it was inculcated and believed that, under the 
sacred banners of the cross, they should bear down all 
opposition, or, if any fell in battle, that their cause 
would be a certain passport to the regions of bliss. 

Preaching heralds were suddenly dispersed through 
Europe on this important mission. Some of them w 
clad in sackcloth, with their heads and feet bare> 
They flew with incredible speed from kingdom to kii 
dom, promising to each soldier of the cross at least the 
eternal bl of heaven, and threatening such n 

mained inactive [frith the endless wrath of Dei! 

Their - was beyond calculation. Tin 4 most 

powerful princes enlisted under the banners of the cro- 
The flame spread, and continued to burn from the shoi 
of the Baltic to the straits of Gibraltar : and from the 
banks of the Danube to the bay of Bii Ml causi 

were swallowed up in one : aud men of all profes 



LUKOPE. y 

of all ages, descriptions and nations, coalesced under 
the honorable title of soldiers of ghiust, and champi- 
ons of the cross. In all places the martial trumpet was 
heard, and warlike preparations were seen. Immense 
swarms of people thronged from all quarters, to places 
of general rendezvous, whence, in still larger bodies, 
they rolled like mighty torrents into Asia. — Never were 
the nations of Europe agitated by so general a passion ; 
nor did ever a public passion equal this for strength or 
duration ; for it governed Europe so entirely, that to 
make, to preserve, or to recover acquisitions in Judea 
and its neighborhood,] was the grand and favorite ob- 
ject for two centuries. 

The reader may judge of the importance of the enter- 
prise, when he is told that, after two centuries were 
elapsed, upwards of two millions of lives lost, and in- 
calculable sums expended, the christians lost all footing 
in Judea, which has ever since remained under the 
power of the Turks. This was probably among the 
wildest, most vain, and extravagant enterprises ever un- 
dertaken by man. We shall only add the sentiment of 
an elegant historian, that it is matter of lasting regret, 
that the crusades, beiug the only enterprise in which the 
powers of Europe ever generally engaged, should re- 
main to all posterity an unexampled monument of hu- 
man folly. 

But however vain and extravagant the crusades were, 
they were productive of lasting good to mankind. They 
changed the character and the manners of Europe. 
They, in the first place, drew off and in a measure ex- 
hausted, those fierce and fiery spirits which could never 
be at rest. They gave full scope to the ardor of 
thousands of knights and chevaliers ; so that their flaming 
and inordinate courage found other employ, than to 
waste and extinguish itself in the blood of honest and 
peaceable citizens. 

The general union of all Europe in one common cause, 
although a wild religious frenzy was at the bottom of it, 
prevented many wars — hushed many commotions, and 
caused numberless private animosities to be forgotten : 
the inhabitants of different countries became acquainted 
with each other ; and especially, when they met in tha 
remote regions of Asia, they looked upon each other as 



9 I l.. 

brethren I In one grand cause, where life, honor, 

am! glory were all at stake. The crusades may in fact 
be regarded, as the commencement of that intercom- 
among the people of Europe, which has been ever since 
increasing ; and which cannot fail to assimilate and polish 
their manners. 

The Venitian Heels were ereatly concerned in trans 
pot - and the provisions of the crnsadei 

Tl therefore, had an opportunity of beholdin 

and admiring the improvement, civility, and politeness 
as veil as the convenience, the affluence, the power, 
and prosperity which result from commerce. The 
were e< istonished and inflamed with the idei 

They transmitted accounts of the glory of Italy hack to 
the res whence they came, and inspired their 

rymen with a spirit of emulation. 

. their armies passed through Constantinople, 

wh !y stated was the only great and important 

city, that escaped the ravages of the northern and eastern 

md descended, unimpaired, through the dark 

In the year 1204: one of the most memorable in the 
f the holy an event took place of con- 

siderable consequence to the west of Europe. This was 
about the year of the fourth crusade : and was productive 
of some very important consequences. Constantinople 
had loii£ been the scat of civil wars, conspiracies, and 
revolutions. An army of French and Yenitiaus now 
besieged and took it, and placed Baldwin, earl of 
Fhi. >n the throne of the Greek empire. The 

win held their empty title for nearly 60 
when it was wrested from them by the Greek 

ice. 
3 will account for the fact that Fland I the 

adjacent co led the way in the revival of letters. 

ble, contained the most valua- 
ble and precious remains of antiquity which had been 
there collected by the great Const antine and his sue- 
The if the crusaders spread oveT 

En. formation they gained in their travels; 

and intinople was their place of general ren- 

dezvous, the light, refinement, and science derived from 
thence, were, In the course of two centuries, during 
which the crusades lasted, diffused through Europe. 



EUROPL. 9 

In tine, the crusades gave a general concussion to the 
public mind, which forever shook off the tyranny of 
many barbarous customs : and broke the long and deadly 
slumbers of ignorance, whose narcotic influence on men's 
minds is always in proportion to its nature and extent. 
By promoting national and social intercourse, they 
tended powerfully to melt away the prejudices and 
3C uilate the minds of men. As they had an union of 
object, they would naturally impress the mind, with a 
sense of the power, practicability, and good policy of 
combinations and extensive alliances. As they pai 
through countries far more cultivated, more enterprising, 
and more opulent than their own. they could not but 
draw instructive comparisons ; and must naturally wish 
to imitate those whose wisdom and industry had secured 
to them prosperity and power. By all these means the 
eyes of mankind were opened, and many nations of the 
earth received, at the same time, important lessons of in- 
struction — th ft|genins of Europe was roused and stood 
ready to explore the avenues of knowledge, and to trace 
the intricate paths which lead to more extensive fields of 
light and improvement. 



CHAPTER III. 

THE SAME CONTINUED. THE OTTOMAN TURKS. A 

ABOUT the beginning of the 13th century, a new 
power arose, which first made head in Asia, and at 
length became the terror of all Europe. We have 
spoken particularly, in the former part of thiscompeud, 
of the irruptions of the Scythians from the interior parts 
of Asia. A warlike tribe, sprung from this prolific foun- 
tain, had for some time infested the countries of western 
Asia, and at length were established in Bithynia. — 
Othoman appeared at their head, and laid the foundation 
of a dynasty of most warlike and powerful princes. He 
flourished about the year 1229. In no part of the annals 
of history do we find a braver, more politic, or fortunate 
race of monarchs than that of Othoman, or Othman. 
They seldom failed to unite bravery with prudence, or 

D2 



19 HKKS. 

good fortune with enterprise. In Asia and Africa thou 
conquests were cp-exteusive with the empire nf Kome; 
nor would they have fallen short in Europe but for the in- 
tervention of unexpected causes. 

Othoman was succeeded by his son Orchaues — lie by 
Amurath 1, and he by Bajazet 1. Amurath led a great 
army over the Hellespont, and invaded Europe. After 
making various conquests, he fixed the seat of his empire 
at Adrianople. Amurath established the janizaries — 
perhaps the most powerful and efficient corps — the most 
perfectly trained to the art of war, and the ablest and 
most to be relied on in the day of battle, of any ever 
known. In the history of the Turks, it is remarkable 
that, for several centuries, the succeeding monarch outdid 
his predecessor. The son generally excelled the father 
in energy, policy, grandeur of schemes, and felicity of 
execution. This remark will in a good measure apply, 
till the reign of Solyman the Magnificent, who raised 
the Turkish empire to its zenith of glory^ It was not so 
with the emperors of Rome, but generall^the reverse. 

Bajazet, the son of Amurath, was a very great general. 
lie was impetuous as a thunderbolt, yet of cool and 
thoughtful courage. He possessed the craft and policy 
of negotiation, together with the powers of compulsion. 
The Turkish armies in his time were distinguished for 
their numbers and discipline. Bajazet generally com- 
manded from three to five hundred thousand men ; but 
the flower of his army was 50,000 janizaries. With 
such a force no power in Europe could have resisted 
him ; and he had matured every plan for extinguishing 
the Greek empire in the capture of Constantinople. But 
providence had raised up a power, before which this 
haughty conqueror must fall, in the midst of his pride, 
prosperity aud glory. 

Tamerlane was. by inheritance, prince of a Tartar 
clan : but nature had endowed him with a mind capable 
of forming and executing the grandest enterprises. He 

ilv showed that superiority in council and in action, 
which raised him to the high station of cham of the Us- 
beck Tartars. His capital was Samarehand. He soon, 
by the wisdom and energy of his administrators, drew to 
his standard innumerable Tartar tribes, and saw himself 

the head of the empire of Ghenghis Khan. Inflamed 



TURKS. 11 

by the glory of that great conqueror, he invaded and sub- 
dued India, extending his empire to the eastern ocean. 
From the conquest of India he had just returned, en- 
riched with spoils of immense value, when embassadors 
arrived at his court from the emperor of Constantinople, 
whose capital was now besieged, and from various other 
christian princes already expelled from their dominions. 
These embassadors implored the aid of Tamerlane 
against the haughty Turk, who threatened the conquest 
of all Europe. 

The mighty Tartar immediately despatched a herald to 
Bajazet, desiring to know the reasons of his conduct, 
and offering to mediate between him and the Greek em- 
peror. Bajazet, whom no powyr could intimidate, re- 
turned a haughty and indignant answer; upon which 
Tamerlane marched against him- it is commonly said, at 
the head of a million of men. Ail Europe stood paraly- 
zed for a moment at the^xpected shock ; and dreading 
every thing if the Turks'should prevail. They came to 
a general battle on the«plains of Pharsalia, the very same 
place where, many ages before, Pompey had defeated 
Mithridates, and where Csesar and Pompey had decided 
their contest for the empire of the world. — Perhaps a 
greater battle has not been fought in modern times. 
Each army was drawn up in the most consummate man- 
ner, according to the tactics of the times. Fifty thousand 
janizaries, in a solid column, occupied the centre of the 
Turkish army, at the head of which Bajazet fought on 
foot. 

Tamerlane, in the morning, drew up the flower of his 
immense force, under the command of his ablest officers; 
and directed them to commence the action, whilst he 
looked on as a spectator, and stood ready to send neces- 
sary reinforcements from time to time. He had previ- 
ously announced to Bajazet that he might expect to meet 
him in battle when he should seethe green flag displayed. 

The first shock was tremendous, and the ensuing con- 
flict truly dreadful. The Tartar lords reminded their 
soldiers of the gloiy of Ghenghis Khan and of the con- 
quest of India. 

" Long time in even scale the battle hung." 

At length, however, tho wings of the Turkish army be* 



42 iikks. 

gan to give way — borne down by Ibc almost infinite tore* 
of the Tartar cavalry and infantry, who fought with 
astonishing rage and fmry. Tamerlane, perceiving the 
moment of advantage, despatched ten thousand horse and 
a*, many fool, to gnstaft) the wasting ardor of the battle. 

The Turkish army were generally defeated, disper- 
sed, or cut to pieces, except the janizaries, who, animated 
by the presence and example of their gallant monarch, 
seemed to defy all mortal prowess : they stood firm like 
a rock, e hieh, unmoved, sustains the surging billows. 
This formidable force, composed of troops of known 
superiority, and led by the Turkish sultan, who fought 
with prodigious valour, still held the fortune of the field 
doubtful — when Tamerlane was seen advancing under 
the green flag, at the heftd of 50,000 chosen cavalry, the 
splendid guards of the conqueror of the east, ^.t that 
moment the battle was renewed, and the janizaries, now 
nearly surrounded, fought withlamazing bravery around 
the person of their king. But they were overwhelmed 
•is with an irresistible torrent : and Bajazet, contrai 

own determination, was taken alive, with many of his 
guards. 

It is related by some historians, that Tamerlane de- 
manded of Bajazet, when brought before him, what he 
would have done with him, provided fortune had de- 
clared in his favour? The captive monarch sternly and 
haughtily replied, •' I would have put you in an iron 
cage, and carried you for a show all over my kingdom.'" 
•• The same,"* said Tamerlane, u shall be done to your- 
:" — and, it was accordingly done without delay. 

Tamerlane, having rescued the Greek emperor, and 
freed Europe from immediate danger, by humbling the 
Turkish power, returned into Asia ; and, subduing Syria 
and Palestine, proceeded to Egypt and Persia, returning 
after a period of eight years to .Sam:-, re hand, through the 
middle countries of Isia. He is represented as a prince 
of great moderation, self-command, and of a mild and 
amiable temper. He was adored and almost deified by 

was long and prosperous, and 
his dominions are thought to have been nearly as exti n- 
sive as tho^<* of Russia, comprehending a considerable 
portion of the known world. The emperor of Hindustan 
claims direct descent from Tamerlane, whose lineal 



TURKS. 13 

descendants also led the Tartars in the conquest of 
China. They, of consequence, now possess the thrones 
of China and India, and govern a third part of the human 
species. 

The Tartars interfered no more with the Ottoman 
Turks, but left them gradually to recover from so deep 
a wound. Nor were the christian princes able to avail 
themselves of this favorable opportunity to com- 
plete the ruin of so formidable a foe. Solyman I, 
the son and successor of Bajazet, derived courage and 
fortitude from his father's misfortune ; and, collecting 
the shattered remains of his forces, soon appeared at the 
head of an army which was able to keep the field. So 
severe a check of the Turks, however, protracted the 
capture of Constantinople for near a century. Solyman 
was succeeded by Mahomet I — he by Amurath II, and 
he by Mahomet the great. This prince took Constanti- 
nople in the year 1453, which was followed by the sub- 
jugation of all Greece. The Turks, under the succeed- 
ing reigns, became the most formidable power in Europe, 
till, in the reign of Solyman the Magnificent, A. D. 1536, 
after subduing Hungary, and carrying off 300,000 pri- 
soners, that great prince advanced into Austria, and laid 
siege to Vienna. But on the approach of Charles V, at 
the head of a great army, he raised the siege, and retired, 
into his own dominions, doubtless remembering the fate 
of Bajazet. This, however, carries us beyond the 
period, which was to be the subject of the present 
chapter. 

As the brevity of this compend will not allow us to en- 
ter again particularly on the Turkish history — before we 
dismiss that article, it will be proper to state a few things 
which do not properly belong to this chapter. There 
was probably never a race of monarchs of equal abilities 
for war with the Ottoman race, as far as to the reign of 
Solyman the Magnificent. They were certainly great 
in the art of governing a turbulent and licentious race of 
men, as well at home, or in times of peace, as in the 
field of battle. And, what is matter of the highest ad- 
miration, every succeeding reign seemed to eclipse the 
former, and the deeds of the father w r ere forgotten in the 
superior exploits of the son. Mahomet the Great, who 
took Constantinople, is nni verbally allowed to have been 



i4 TURKS. 

a most politic and accomplished prince, as well as the 

est commander of bis time. But the greatest of the 

Turkish emperors was Solyman the Magnificent. In 

him were combined the first qualities of the soldier and 
statesman. He was fierce and furious as Bajazet, and 
artful and cruel as Mahomet the Great; besides which, 
he displayed a grandeur and dignity of mind which no 
v ever did before or after him. In his reign, the 
Turkish empire gained its utmost height of power and 
glory; and though his successors cannot generally be 
si\ I'd weak princes, yet the empire has ever since ex- 
perienced an uniform and progressive decline ; and, it 
hag been thought, would one day fall before the power 
of Russia. 

Notwithstanding the great abilities of the Turkish 
emperors, it must be confessed that their characters were 
extremely unlovely, even to a man — all their good quali- 
ties being deeply shaded with cruelty and stained with 
blood. They commonly ascended the throne, through 
the blood of their nearest relations ; and we may apply 
to them the strong metaphor, applied to Simeon and Levi 
by their father Jacob : — instruments of cruelty are in 
their habitation. 

There is no nation more uniform in their character 
than the Turks. In mind they seem morose, melancholy, 
mistrustful, and of course in their manners cold, distant, 
and repulsive. Nor do they vary from this character, 
though dwelling as they have, so long in those mild and 
pleasant countries, which, it might be thought, would 
naturally tend to render their dispositions more cheerful, 
and their manners more gentle and engaging. It is a 
painful reflection that those very countries where the 
ancient U reeks carried literature and philosophy to such 
high perfection, are now inhabited by some of the most 
stupid and ugly of the human race. One would bc~ 
ready to wish that so gloomy and dirty a race were ex- 
pelled from Europe, and that some nation capable of ap- 
preciating the advantages of the couutry, would take 
possession of it. 

The wurd, Turk, it is said, signifies a wanderer, or 
banished man. Some writers have conjectured that the 
Turks are descendants of the Jews, or of the ten tribes 
of Israel. From whatever source they sprung, they 



DISCOVERIES, &C. 15 

erected a mighty fabric of power and dominion ; and 
could the course of empire be represented by a line 
drawn through states and kingdoms, it would pass 
through Turkey, since there was certainly a time when 
the Turks were the most powerful nation in Europe, 
and, if we expect China, perhaps the most powerful in 
life world. 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE SAME CONTINUED. IMPORTANT DISCOVERIES AND 

IMPROVEMENTS. 

AS the crusades effected a general change of character 
in Europe, they, in fact, laid the foundation for the 
dawn of that grand epoch, coHimonly called the revival 
of letters. The crusades had, in some measure, loosened 
the fetters of the feudal system, and diffused a spirit of 
enterprise through Europe, when commerce, which had 
long been limited to Italy, began to move northward, 
along the shores of the continent; and Ghent and 
Bruges, and the towns which afterwards formed the 
body of the celebrated Hanseatic league, began to grow 
famous in Europe. 

Towards the close of the 13th century, the crusades 
had ceased, and all the christian acquisitions in Asia 
had fallen into the hands of the Turks. The wheels of 
commerce had just begun to move, and numberless en- 
terprises and improvements were yet in a state of embryo, 
when a discovery was made of the highest importance 
to the commercial and literary world. The difficulty 
and danger of voyages at sea had, from the earliest ages, 
operated as a powerful impediment to navigation. It 
frequently happened that a long continued obscuration of 
the heavenly bodies, in stormy seasons, was attended 
with most dreadful consequences to whole fleets, which 
were driven on shore, without any possible means of 
foreseeing or avoiding the danger. The invention of 
the Mariner's Compass in a great measure remedied 
these evils. In the year 1300 the magnetic power to 
give polarity to metallic bodies was discovered to be of 



i6 ntscoi eari a 

htt porta nee in navigation, ami a compass Mas construct- 
ed, which, at all titties, would instantly refer the pilot 
to any point of course lie wished to know. This truly 
great and wonderful discovery was made by (ioya. at 
A enicc, and may serve to give* mankind a just idea of 
the super-eminence of the Venitians in naval affairs. 
Columbus, in his adventurous voyage of discovery, first 
i\ed the variation of the compass. This irregu- 
larity, though arising from unknown causes, is found, 
however, to be reducible to such established laws, as 
not much !o lessen the usefulness of the instrument. 

Upon tliis discovery, innumerable difficulties attend- 
ing navigation vanished, and the fearless mariner 
traversed the main oceans, under a surer guide than a 
transient view of the sun or stars. The discovery of the 
mariner's compass was attended with vast ronscipu 
to mankind. It opened innumerable sources of com- 
munication, intelligence, and improvement, and was a 
grand epoch to all commercial nations, It, in short, 
gave a new face to the old world, and brought a new 
id to light. 

rf the mariner's compass formed a new and grand aera 
vigation, an invention took place in the following 
century, A. 1). 1+41, of still greater importance in the 
literary world, and of more, extensive influence in the 
revival of letters, viz. the ai;t of printing. Before 
this wouderful invention, hooks v ire. and bore an 

exorbitant price. They could only he multiplied by the 
slow and painful operation of copying one after another ; 
and poor and labouring people could neither purchase 
nor transcribe them. But printing multiplied books be- 
yond calculation) and reduced their price in equal pro- 
portion : so that the world is now full of books ; and the 
printing of the most useful and elegant production^ of 
genius, costs but a little more than the blank paper. 
fey these means, useful learning began to be generally 
diffused through Europe. From remote antiquity a cer- 
tain mode of block printing has been known and practi- 
ced anion- the Ohi nese.but which bears little resemblance 
to that important art discovered in modern Europe, from 
which benefits of such magnitude have arisen to 
mankind. 



AND IMPROVEMENTS. 17 

In connexion with the first mode of printing, if we 
•consider the valuable improvement of the Stereotype, in 
which all the letters are correctly formed on the face of 
one solid plate, and there remain unalterable, we cannot 
but be filled with admiration ; and, we think, must give 
ihe invention an honor second to none but that of al- 
phabetic writing. 

The perfection of the naval system, and the extensive 
multiplication of books, have given a proportional diffu- 
sion of light and improvement through many nations- 
There seem to be but two more grand improvements ne- 
cessary in order to place mankind on that footing for pro- 
gress in reason, philosophy and virtue, which their ex- 
alted powers and faculties, and immortal natures demand. 
These are universal peace, and a universal language. 

1. Universal peace. — Although this idea is commonly 
received by christians as a matter of faith, and by many 
others as a groundless theory, yet it seems, capable of 
defence on the principles of reason. 

It is generally said that a man wants but to understand 
his own interest in order to pursue it. And nothing is 
more certain than that the bulk of mankind need only to 
understand their true interest in order to revolt from the 
idea of war, with utter abhorrence. Look over the histo 
ry of wars and see for whose benefit they have been un- 
dertaken and carried on. They haye been generally 
waged to gratify the passion, and carried on to support 
the thrones of the most barbarous and detestable tyrants. 
Read the history jof Alexander's wars. For what did 
his soldiers undergo intolerable hardships and indes- 
cribable dangers but solely to gratify his insatiable am- 
bition ? When such as escaped carnage had answered 
his purposes, covered with scars, and disabled by toils, 
they were cast off as a worn out shoe or tattered garment, 
and consigned to oblivion. The same may be said of 
most other great conquerors. It may, indeed, be urged 
that war furnishes employment for men ; but so does 
robbery, and almost every other species of crime. And 
ought such a reflection as this to lie against Divine Pro- 
vidence ? Can we for a moment surmise that men are 
thrown into such a condition here on earth, as to have no 
other means of subsistence than schemes for the destruc 
Hon of each other? God forbid ! This argument, in jk- 

E2 



i9 m-(OVEi:ni, 

of war, is an insult upon the Oeator, who lias said, 
Tin. t not kill. It is also sometin I. thai w 

;. to diminish population, otherw isc [lie world 
would not hold or support mankind. Must then man- 
kind become worse than wild bra-Is, and cruel as devils, 
in order to d is burthen the world of i:- supernumerary 
inhabitants, and thin the ranks of society r 

He who has made man and given him the eaWh for 
his habitation, intended it for his support, and there can 
be no doubt, that, could peace become permanent and 
universal, (he ails of peace would bo flourish that the 
earth would support more millions than it now does 
thousands : — the whole earth would, at length, become 
mien. 
Before the globe should acquire more inhabitants than 
it could support, Almighty Providence, ever at hand, 
and all course is marked with equal wisdom and 

benevolence, would help us to a solution of this diffi- 
cul of which, in our present bewildered 

we can form no conception. 
2. The plan suggested by Leibnitz and many others, 
of a universal language.) or as some have styled it a lan- 
guage of thoughts, would probably result from unh - 
sal peace. To the hostility of nations may be reasona- 
bly imputed their diversity of languages, customs and 
manners. \\\ these they are divided as by walls of im- 
measurable height and kept strangers to each oil. 
They cherish not only personal animosities, but even an 
aversion to each other's religion, politics, and learning. 
Could the veil be removed from human reason, and the 
true light of philosophy- shine, men would learn to 
respect one another, and national prejudices would 
vanish aw ay. Then also the prospects of pleasure and 
advantage resulting from a more intimate union between 
nations, would produce numberless schemes to facilitate 
a communication, which could only be rendered com- 
plete and universal, by a universal language. 

Whether genera and species of things, or in short, 
whether universal terms can be, any way, expressed by 
ehj or symbols, and particulars by combinations 

or indices, we cannot say. Men's thoughts are about 
things : and things are the same to one which they arc 
to another: therefore men think nearly alike, excepf 



AND IMPROVEMENTS. 19 

when they think about words, and get out of the region 
of nature into that of art. 

That there will be a written language which all na- 
tions can read and understand is, in fact, a thing far 
more probable to us than it can be to a savage, who 
never heard of an alphabet, or tliat there is such a thing 
as we call reading and writing. But what characters, 
combinations and gestures will compose that language 
some future Cadmus must determine. 

In the midst of the gradually increasing light of 
science, a few men, in various parts of Europe, seem to 
have been able to tear off, at once, the palpable veil of 
darkness from men's minds : and to consume, in a mo- 
ment, the mighty masses of wood, hay, and stubble, 
which ignorance and superstition had been heaping upon 
science for a thousand years. The names of Erasmus, 
and (xrotius, and Puftendorf merit the highest honor in 
the illustrious list of the fathers of literature. And, at 
this period, Christopher Columbus, a native of Genoa, 
planned and executed the grandest enterprise ever un- 
dertaken by man. From his knowledge of the figure of 
the globe, he conjectured ( there must be a balancing con- 
tinent, to operate as a counterpoise to the old one. 

| For several years Columbus petitioned the courts of 
Europe in vain. At length he was furnished with a small 
squadron of ships by the court of Spain, and commission- 
ed to go and seek for the new world in the western ocean. 
Braving the dangers of an unknown sea, and the niuti-^ 
nies of his more boisterous and tempestuous sailors, he 
performed the adventurous voyage, and discovered a con- 
tinent. The gratitude of Spain rewarded his services 
with chains and a dungeon ; and mankind to mend the 
matter, have called the quarter of the globe, which he 
discovered, after Americus, a Florentine pilot— about as 
much entitled to that honor as Bamfield Carew, king of 
the gypsies, or Tangrolipix, the Turkish chieftain. 

We have now given the reader a brief sketch of the 
causes, which raised the nations of Europe into a state of 
improvement and civilization, after the reign of darkness 
and barbarity for so many ages. It now only remains 
that we consider their progress, under the more auspi- 
cious influence of science, morality and religion. 



IRMANY. 



CHAPTER V. 

BRIEF mSlOlUCAL VIEW OF THE NATIONS OF EUROPE* 
£KOM THK SfXTEBNTH CENTURY TO THE PRESENT DAY. 

GERMANY. 

1)U KIN G a considerable pari of the 16 tb century, Eu- 
rope was governed by monarchy wliose uncommon abil- 
ities enabled them to improve the science of government. 
Charles V, Henry V11I, Francis I, and Solyman the 
Magnificent, were then actors in the great drama, of 
which all Europe was the stage ; and each succeeding 
year held up new scenes to the politician, historian and 
philosopher. 

The posterity of Charlemagne held the throne of Ger- 
many for an hundred years, when they were rejected by 
the princes of the empire, and Conrad, duke of Franco- 
nia, was elevated to the imperial dignity. Since that 
lime the monarchy has been elective. Various families 
enjoyed the dignity, and the empire was constantly enga- 
ged in wars with France — with the northern powers of 
Europe — with the pope, or with the Turks. By the 
death of the emperor Maximilian in 1519, the German 
throne at that time considered as the first among the roy- 
al dignitaries of Europe was become vacant. Two can- 
didates of very different but equally powerful claims 
sought the succession; Francis the first, king of Frauce, 
and Charles king of Spain and the Low Countries. The 
proximity of France to Germany — the high military re- 
putation of Francis — the interest he had with several 
ctora, and his capacity for intrigue, induced him to 
hope for success 

Charles, who by hit ac< assioti to the imperial throne 

u nominated the Fifth, was descended from the house 
of Austria, and by family alliances was the most power- 
ful prince in modern times. His father was Philip the 
Handsome, archduke of Austria, and son of the emperor 
Maximilian. The paternal grand mother of Charles 

«is the daughter of Charles the Bold, duke of Burgun- 



GERMANY. SI 

dy ; and from her he inherited the sovereignty of Flan- 
ders and all the J^ow Countries. His mother was Joan 
the daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, in whose right 
he inherited the monarchy of Spain and South America. 

These powerful rivals endeavored to substantiate their 
claims, and press their pretensions by various and, indeed, 
by weighty considerations. The known abilities of 
Francis, as a soldier and statesman, had already spread 
his fame and added terror to the arms of France. The 
truly vast resources of the youug Spanish monarch seem- 
ed to point him out as the proper person to sustain the 
high and important charge of governing and defending the 
German empire. But the electors jealous of the French 
on the one hand, and fearing on the other, the extreme 
youth of Charles, unanimously determined to make an 
offer of the imperial crown to Frederick elector of Sax- 
ony, who w T as surnamed the Wise. The refusal and re- 
ply of that magnanimous prince on so interesting an oc- 
casion, which we copy from RussePs Modern F^urope, is 
worthy of a place in this brief sketch. 

" In times of tranquility," said Frederick, "we wish for 
an emperor who ha6 no power to invade our liberties. 
Times of danger damand one who is able to secure our 
safety. The Turkish armies led by a warlike and vic- 
torious monarch are now assembling ; they are ready to 
pour in upon Germany with a violence unknown to for- 
mer ages. New conjunctures call for new expedients. 
The imperial sceptre must be committed to some hand 
more powerful than mine, or that of any other German 
prince. We possess neither dominions, nor revenues, 
nor authority which might enable us to encounter such a 
formidable enemy. Recourse must be had, in this exi- 
gency to one of the rival monarchs. Each of them cau 
bring into the field forces sufficient for our defence. But 
as the king of Spain is of German extraction, as he is a 
tnember and prince of the empire by the territories which 
'descend to him from his grandfather, and as his domin- 
ions stretch along that frontier, which lies most exposed 
to the enemy, his claim, in my opinion, is preferable to 
that of a stranger to our language, to our blood, and to 
our country/' 

In consequence of this speech, continues th^ same an 
fhor, Charles was elected, 



32 tMAN\. 

As we uow have before us by far tin* most important 
period of (iiM'iimii history, we shall be a little more parti- 
cular in giving a sketch of the reign of Charles V. 
This we shall do not by exhibiting a detail of events, but 
U\ i | i few of the leading objects which present in 
the histories of those times. Aud 

1. The first object which engages the attention under 
this reign is the rivalship and contention between Charles 
and Francis. Of this there is scarcely a parellel to be 
found in history. Their ambition was equal, and the re- 
sources and abilities of each were very great but ex- 
tremely different. The central and compact situation of 
France gave it greatly the advantage in several respects. 
To this add, that Francis I, was not only an accompli>h 
ed statesman but an able commander. His genius, how- 
ever, both civil and military was of a peculiar cast : and 
no two rivals were ever more completely different. He 
was brave, active, energetic and impetuous : though at 
times his impetuosity betrayed him into rashness. He 
manifested greater abilities in extricating himself from 
difficulties into which liis hasty, generous and credulous 
te inner had thrown him, than his rival did in gaining ad- 
vantages over him. 

Charles was gloomy, plodding, and in dissimulation 
seldom surpassed. But the distance of Spain and Ger- 
many, the two vast machines he had to manage and keep 
in order, and, in short, the distance of both from the Low 
Countries, and of the latter from Austria, consumed his 
time and denied him the celerity necessary to war and con- 
quest. Indeed when we consider attentively the desk 
which Charles accomplished in a longand splendid reign, 
they can hardly be allowed to be answerable to the great- 
ness and vigor of his genius, or resources. Inhis wars with 
ncis he g< ne rally had the advantage, and the famous 
battle of Pavii ;3, in the sixth year of his reign, 

imed to crown his good fortune in the entire ruin of 
antagonist. 

On the S4th of ry 1 j23, the imperial guards en 

at Pavia near the. river Po, in the 
Milan: the French army was defeated wNIi 
liter, and the kii made prisoner. 

le enemy now in 
of peace as hn« 



own haughty and crafty policy suggested. These con- 
ditions Francis signed in order to gain his liberty, but 
was careful never to fulfil. 

Though the vast power of the emperor always seemed 
to give him the upper hand, yet Francis at the time of his 
death left his kingdom far better than he found it ; and, 
indeed, his able and vigorous administration laid the 
foundation for the elevation of France to that sublime 
height to which she has since risen. 

2. The second leading object in the reign of Charles 
V, was the systematic and formidable resistance he made 
to the Turkish power ; and this was by far the most for- 
tunate circumstance of his reign. The Turks had be- 
come truly terrible to all Europe. The capture of Con- 
stantinople, and the reduction of the Greek empire, al- 
though it established their dominion over the finest re- 
gions of the globe, swelled their treasures with incalcu- 
lable wealth, and gave them the fullest enjoyment of 
imperial magnificence and luxury, neither abated their 
courage, activity, nor ambition. Their next field of 
glory was the German empire : und Solyman the Mag- 
nificent, now on the throne, seemed every way equal to 
the greatest enterprise. 

Under the reign of this prince the Turkish power 
gained its utmost height. Solyman, determining, if 
possible, to excel his ancestors, had actually planned 
the conquest of Germany. And, as before stated, had 
reduced Hungary and laid siege to Vienna, the capital 
of the German empire. The disposition of Charles was 
too cool and contemplative to delight in a military life. 
The present call, however, both of self-preservation 
and of glory was indispensable. Charles appeared at 
the lead of an army answerable to his own greatness, 
as well as to that of his adversary. No force so formida- 
ble had been brought into the field against the Turks 
since the defeat of Bajazet by Tamerlane. Each army 
was doubtless composed of the finest troops in the world, 
directed by the greatest masters of the art of war, and 
that under the immediate eye of two of the greatest 
mon arc hs. 

These two consummate statesmen, however, saw too 
clearly the consequences of hazarding a general battle. 
They already had toe much to risque, and, from tb* 



2* GERMANY. 

event it seems that neither of them wished to fight unless 
pressed by necessity to that dangerous measure. On the 
Approach therefore of the imperial army, Solyman pru- 
iently retired into his own dominions, nor did he sea 
cause, daring the life of Charles, to make a similar at- 
tempt upon Germany. 

The immense fahrie of power and policy, which, 
during*? bailee's reign, Germany presented to the Turks, 
in fact, repressed that warlike nation, and their military 
spirit seemed to expire with Solyman the Magnificent. 
3. Charles V. was, at heart, no great friend to reli- 
gion, in any form, especially when it was like to interfere 
with his favorite schemes. He was much fonder of a 
worldly than a heavenly kingdom. This consideration 
presents another important trait in his reign. For not- 
withstanding the greatness of his power, it is probable 
the reformation could not have been set on foot in any 
other reign, with greater or equal prospects of success. 
Charles had no idea of adopting any new religion, nor 
did he want very much of the old. He was, therefore, 
an enemy to Luther and the reformation of which he was 
the instrument. But the vast schemes of policy, in 
which his mind was engaged, left him no room to direct 
his attention to the suppression of what he considered as 
a religious heresy. He therefore, for a considerable 
time left Luther and his adherents to the censures of the 
church, which he well knew were not apt to be sparing, 
especially towards those who attacked her corruptions. 
Luther had dared to erect the standard of rebellion 
against the sovereign pontiff, whose claims and abuses of 
spiritual power were equally enormous. This he first 
did by exposing the wickedness of the sale of indulgen- 
ces. Long before this period the pope had claimed the 
power and right of pardoning sin. At first he granted 
remission upon confession and signs of repentance, but 
these terms being at length thought too cheap, the criminal 
Was compelled to pay a sum of money in order to obtain 
absolution. From sins past, the transition, by a little re- 
finement, was not difficult to an anticipation of forgive- 
ness. This, as may readily be supposed, soon became 
an important and very lucrative traffic to the church. 
Indulgences to commit sin were actually sold, and men 
would so cheerfully pay their money for this article, tha*. 



6ERMANY. 25 

it became a principal source of church revenue. It is 
said that the sale of indulgences was begun by Urban IT, 
in order to encourage men to engage in the crusades and 
holy wars. 

In the times of Luther it had arisen to a very high 
pitch, and the various provinces and departments of the 
church were actually farmed out, and the business re- 
duced to a regular system. 

From censuring this practice, which for the enormity 
of its wickedness was perhaps never surpassed, Luther 
proceeded to other corruptions of popery, and with vapid 
course, step to step, at length to attack the whole fabric 
of popish power. The popularity of his talents and 
the force of truth, seemed to aid the purposes of provi- 
dence in his exertions. His success was amazing:, — 
Among his adherents were many persons of distinction t 
and some of the most powerful princes of the empire, 
particularly the elector of Saxony and the landgrave of 
Hesse. 

Whilst the pope was endeavoring by the terror of his 
spiritual thunders, to subdu* Luther and his followers, 
and render them obedient to his will, the emperor was 
deeply engaged in far different schemes ; intending, 
however, when he should have leisure to crush the re- 
formation, at a blow. But Charles never found much 
leisure from the toils and vexations of ambition : and be- 
fore he was ready to second the views of the pope, the 
reformation had taken too deep root to be easily ex- 
tirpated. 

This period of German history brings to light one of 
the most extraordinary characters of modern times, 
Maurice, marquis of Misnia and Thuringia, rendered 
himself conspicuous by his formidable resistance to the 
power of Charles V, the essential service he gave to the 
protestant cause, and the dissimulation and duplicity 
with which he accomplished his designs. Having first 
espoused the cause of Luther, he became active in the 
councils of the protestant princes ; but suddenly changed 
his course and entered into the measures of the emperor, 
for suppressing the reformation. This new coalition he 
supported with a high hand, and, after the fall of the 
elector of Saxony, succeeded to that principality ; at 
the same time taking the most active and effectual mea- 

F3 



£6 C.ERMA > 

sures to ruin the protestant cause, which, now, to all 
appearance became desperate. 

Aliei having gone such lengths as to gain the entire 
confidence of the emperor, he again suddenly shifted his 
coarse, and by a public manifesto declared himself the 
friend of the reformation, the avenger of the injured 
princes whom Charles had stripped of their dominions, 
and the supporter of the ancient Germanic constitution. 
At the Mime time til arching with a powerful army to- 
wards Austria, he endeavored to surprise the erapcroi 
as he lay at luspruck with but a small force. Charles 
made his escape over the Alps, almost unattended. 
The night was dark and rainy, and the fugitive monarch 
was obliged to ride in a litter, being at that time afllieted 
with the 

We must refer the eader to the histories of Germany 
for a detail of those event* which compelled the emperor 
to abandon all his ambitious projects. He found, not- 
withstanding his great resources, that so far from govern- 
ing Europe, he could not even govern Germany accord- 
ing to hi^ desire. A short time after this, therefore 
the celebrated peace of Passau, Charles fully n 
nized the claims Of the protectants, allowing them the 
free exercise of their religion according to the confes 
of Augsburgh ; and the government of German} 
covered tl in which it was before the Ssions 

of Charles V Hut the most humbling stroke which he 
ed from Germany was the refusal of the electoral 
college to secure to his son Philip the imperial crown, 
which being given to his brother Ferdinand, the eyes of 
that powerful and ambitious prince were fully Opel 
and he saw the object with which he had long flattered 
of a mighty and glorious empire in his own line 
now vanish away as a vain illusion, or an empty dn 
An empire like' those o( Cyrus, Alexander and Ca 
cannot be founded by the force of civil policy. It must 
be, the offspring of war and conquest. As a statesman 
Charles was greal : but amongst his rivals and enemies 
he found nearly his match. Henry VIII, Leo \. Francis 
J, and Solyman Hie Magnificent were, at least some of 
them, not much his inferiors. IJut Maurice, a man who 
roae up, as it were under his shadow, was far his su- 
peiior in whatever relates to an accomplished statesman 



GBMANY. 27 

The writer of the History of Modem Europe makes no 
hesitation to assert that '• perhaps no prince, ancient or 

modern, ever discovered such deep political sagacity at 
" so early a period of life :" nor indeed are there any 
kuown reasons for preferring his political to his military 
talents. 

Maurice having effectually humbled Charles, restored 
The Germanic constitution, and confirmed the religious 
liberties of Germany, seemed to bid fair to become one 
of the greatest actors in the great drama of modern 
Europe, but in gaining a victory over Albert of Bran- 
denburg, who had for some time infested the neighbor- 
ing countries with depredations, helqst his life, in the 
thirty second year of his age. 

Divine Providence when it determined to establish the 
reformation in Germany, saw fit to preserve the life of 
Luther in the midst of his enemies and surrounded with 
daugers. But it is remarkable that three of the most 
illustrious defenders of protestantism, were cut off in 
the flower of youth, in the commencement of their 
career, and when they seemed able to accomplish the 
most important and salutary changes ; Maurice, of 
Saxony, Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden, and Henry 
IV of France. 

Charles V governed the most extensive empire known 
in history. It comprehended Germany, the Nether- 
lands, Spain, Italy, and territories in America larger 
than all Europe. Had he been as prone to war as some 
men have been, it would seem as though his empire 
might have been universal. Charles, however, in the 
fifty sixth year of his age, astonished Europe, by the 

ignation of all his extensive dominions. Great as 
they were he probably renounced them in disgust be- 
cause he could not make them greater. Indeed the first 
rivals of his glory were no more. Henry and Francis, 
his youthful competitors, were gone from the stage of 
action ; his favorite schemes were defeated and for ever 
abandoned, ami we may conjecture that he sickened at 
the unsubstantial enjoyment of power and dominion. — 
He retired to the monastery of St. Justus in the province 
of Estramadura, where he spent two or three of his last 
years in philosophical speculations, literary pursuit*, 
rural amusements, and religious devotions. But n© 



;« GERMANY. 

of resignation, nor Form of reasoning could recon- 
cile iii iii to so great a change : atnd tin- retrospect 
whether of scenes of grandeur or of guilt, whether of 
fallaci pes or blasted ambition, proved a canker to 

all his enjoyments — covered lum wit li melancholy, and 
;ieo the decay of his health. He died Lu the fifty 
ninth year of his age, exhibiting a striking proof of the 
vanity of hi ihition. 

During the feigu of Charles V, the German empire 
seemed to be at its utmost point of elevation, and was 
able to pi id menacing attitude towards the 

neighboring pow even the greatest of all 

the Turkish monarchs was willing to retire at the ap- 
proach of Charles V, rather than to endure a conflict 
with that powerful prince : as already noticed. 

Perhaps no nation, for the space of twenty centuries, 
ever produced more good soldiers, or underwent more 
hard fighting than the Germans. And although the 
imperial dignity of Germany has been regarded as the 
first in Europe, yet the essential defects interwoven in 
the frame and constitution of the Germanic body have 
rendered it weak, and liable to decay and dissolution. 
Since the reign of Charles V, its importance among the 
belligerent powers of Europe lias, for the most part, ex- 
perienced a gradual decline. 

A vacancy in the imperial throne is supplied by an 
electoral college, consisting of nine electors, viz. the 
Archbishop of Mentz, the Archbishop of Triers, the 
Archbishop of Cologne, the Elector of Bohemia, the 
Elector of Saxony, the Elector of Brandenburgh. the 
Elector of Palatine, and the Elector of Hanover. — Hut 
Ave can say little more of the Germanic body, in this 
place, than that it consists of about 3(K) petty princes, 
who are almost independent in their own dominions. 
Many of those princes are proud, poor and opj 
and their subjects are servile, stupid and submissive. 
The German empire is avast unwieldy body, more, kept 
her by the pressure of external causes, than by any 
interna] principle of union. 

Germany lias produced vast numbers of learned and 
ions men. In useful discoveries and inventions, 
plodding and apparently heavy genius", has per- 
iled that of every nation in the world. But it 



SPAIN. 29 

is ardently to be wished that the Germans had a better 
government and more virtue. It is evident that essen- 
tial deficiencies in these important respects, have lorg 
been undermining their tottering fabric, and have at last 
brought them to the brink of ruin. 

SPAIN. 

. Of the history of Spain very little notice has beeu 
taken in any part of this compend. When the Roman 
empire fell in pieces, the Spaniards were left to struggle 
with their own vices and depravity : and a hard struggle 
it was. Neither its history nor geography are very well 
known, even to the present? day. The Gothic and 
Saracen invasions both essentially affected Spain : but 
the affairs of Spain were very little connected with those 
of Europe, in general, till a little before the reign of 
Charles V. That powerful monarch, inheriting Spain 
in the right of his mother, and Germany in that of his 
grandfather, long meditated the ambitious project of 
universal empire : but providence had seated on the 
thrones of the other European powers, princes capable 
of penetrating and baffling all his designs. 

Charles V, after having for many years involved all 
Europe in war, finding his ambition like to fail of its 
ultimate object, abdicated his dominions to his son Philip 
U, who succeeded him in the government of Spain and 
the Low Countries. Philip was a gloomy bigot, more 
fit for a mendicant than a legislator, or for a monk than 
a monarch ; but he entered on his public career, with 
greater resources than any monarch of modern times. 
To render his reign illustrious, therefore, by some grand 
exploit, he determined on the project of conquering 
Great Britain — a project which has often originated on 
the continent. To this measure he was impelled by two 
motives — first, that he might establish his own power 
and fame as a conqueror— and, secondly, that, in the 
name of the holy church, he might take vengeance on an 
apostate, heretical, and reprobate nation,, who, since the 
time of Henry VIII, had rebelled against the see of 
Rome. 

Philip, having determined on this important enterprise, 
made the most active and powerful exertions. The 



<5W SPAIN. 

ports of Europe, from the mouth of the Elbe to the 
iits of (rihruliar, resounded with naval preparations ; 
and at length a fleet wu put to sea, pompously styled 
the invincible armada, of size almost sufficient to shade 
the British Channel. This armada carried not only a 
great army, thought sufficient to carry oil* England by 
handfuls. but a multitude of priests, holy fathers, cou- 
fessors, and inquisitors : together with a court of in- 
quisition complete, with alt sorts of engines and instru- 
ments of torture belonging to that hellish tribunal. — 
With these they intended to enter upon the conversion 
of such of the English people as should escape the 
sword. 

As the armada approached, they were met by the En- 
glish fleet, commanded by Admiral Lord Howard and Sir 
Francis Drake ; and the Spanish ships to the amount of 
nearly one hundred sail, were burnt, sunk, or taken : the 
remnant were dispersed and lost in a tempest ; a few of 
them in attempting to make their escape round the north 
of Scotland, were picked up, one by one, or wrecked on 
the shoals of the Orkney or Hebride islands. 

Excepting this celebrated expedition, Philip II, did 
little during his inglorious reign, but murder and torment 
the protectants in the Low Countries — till those provin- 
ces revolted from him, erected the standard of liberty, 
and, after a long and bloody war, gained their freedom 
and independence, which they maintained with dignity 
and honor. For nearly, a century, they disputed the em- 
pire of the sea with Britain. But they no longer exist 
as a free people — they are forever swallowed up in the 
vortex of the French revolution. 

Whatever shadow of liberty existed in Spain, was ob- 
literated by Charles V, and Philip II; and their succes- 
sors, though among the feeblest of princes, reigned and 
tyrannized at pleasure. When by the policy of Louis 
XIV, the crown of Spain was transferred to the house 
of Bourbon, it served rather to diminish than to increase 
the importance of the Spanish monarchy. Since France 
has become a republic, under the mild administration of 
Napoleon, Spain scarcely dare- to assume the stile or at- 
titude of independence ; but is submissively waiting to 
receive the fraternal embrace, which shall for ever unite 
her to the great nation. 



SPAIN. 31 

The geographer will perceive Portugal on the map of 
Europe ; and the historian will find, that it was once of 
some consequence as an independent state : its present 
insignificance, however, and its general dependence on 
its more powerful neighbors, render it not worth our 
while to notice its history, in this very cursory survey of 
nations. 

The reader will indulge us in a few reflections on the 
history of Spain, before we quit the subject. It is allow- 
ed by all geographers that Spain possesses a most de- 
lightful climate and productive soil. " No nation/' says 
Guthrie, "owes so much to nature, and so little to indus- 
try and art, for their subsistence as Spain." They have 
scarce any winter. Their summers are long and delight- 
ful. Their lands produce, and almost spontaneously, all 
the substantiate, as well as the luxuries of life. Nature 
seems to have designed it as one of the most charming 
countries in the world. It is of great extent, and is sur- 
rounded by the noblest oceans and seas — has excellent, 
harbors, and possesses, both internally and externally, 
every natural advantage which a nation could wish. 

But what is Spain at this day ? what are its inhabi- 
tants, its government, and its character. Its population 
is thin — its inhabitants, if we may rely on the testimony 
of travellers, are a poor, lazy, idle, dirty, ignorant race 
of almost semi-savages. Their government, though des- 
potic, is weak ; and their name and character, as a na- 
tion, are contemptible. 

This degraded state of the nation, may be principally 
attributed to the gold and silver extorted from the miues 
of Mexico and Peru . By an abundance of those pre- 
cious metals, these people were aggrandized, corrupted, 
inebriated and undone. When they conquered Mexico 
and Peru, and it was discovered that the bowels of the 
earth contained such inexhaustible treasures, they thought 
no object worthy of their pursuit but gold and silver, and 
of consequence soon became dependent on their neigh- 
bors for every article ot commerce. With these they re- 
warded and enriched the industrious nations around them, 
and became themselves poor, proud and dependent. 

By the same means the Spanish colonies in South 
America were ruined. In imitation of their mother coun- 
try, they despised every pursuit but that of digging up 



3© spa 

the drifting ore. They despised agriculture — they ne- 
glected commerce — they disregarded every aii and every 

science, but thai of getting the precious metals. And 
what are they now? They are Spaniards, Indians, and 
mongtols. They may revolt from Spain a thousand 
times, yet if they do not revolt from her character and 
conduct and alter their own, it will do nothing for (hem. 
Mirandas niay revolutionize them : for if they become not 
a laborious, industrious, agricultural, commercial people, 
they will only he transmuted from bad to worse ; it will 
avail them nothing, 

How different from their conduct was that of the Bri- 
tish colonies — now the United States ! They had no 
mines of silver and gold. They had before them the 
boundless forests of an uncultivated continent, and be- 
neath their feet a productive soil, which they encoun 
with a persevering industry. The forests melted a 
the lands were cultivated; the people became mime, 
prosperous, and powerful ; and, in little more than one 
century, the country is become the most flourishing and 
happy of any in the universe. 

Spain has had the advantage of very few men of un- 
common learning or genius. The revival of literature 
was the least beneficial to her of any nation in Europe. 
She can boast, indeed, of aTostatus, said to be the most 
voluminous theological writer that ever wrote ; but his 
writings, it is also said, are remarkable for nothing but 
their bulk ; and are shown as a prodigy, consisting, if we 
mistake uot, of above fifty volumes in folio. Crushed 
beneath the double tyranny of kings and priests, the art* 
and sciences could never flourish in Spain. There the 
gloomy reign of superstition is seen at full length, and 
without any check, has displayed all its horrors. As to 
the people of Spain, it is of little consequence hovt 

change masters. Their condition cannot well be 
nor indeed, is it likely to be made better. 



FRANCE. S3 



CHAPTER VI. 

THE SAME CONTINUED. FRANCE. 

TO every Englishman, and to every American, the 
history of France, next to that of England, is by far, the 
most important of any European history. The French, 
for many ages, have been a brave, polite and scientific 
people ; and the power of France, its central situation 
and profound policy, have given it, since the times of 
Charlemagne, and especially since the reign of Francis I, 
an extensive connexion with all the principal concerns 
of Europe. 

For the long period between the ninth and sixteenth 
centuries, the fortunes of France, like those of the rest 
of Europe, were fluctuating and unsteady. At each re- 
turn of prosperity, however, they rose higher on the gen- 
eral scale, and gained a more commanding situation. 
In the first part of the 15th century, Henry V, of Eng- 
land, conquered France — received, in Paris, the fealty 
of the I Tench nobility, and the crown of France seemed 
apparently confirmed to him and his posterity. But, 
Henry dying in the 34th year of his age, the valor of the 
celebrated maid of Orleans restored the drooping affairs 
of France, settled the crown firmly on the head of Charles 
VII, and within ten years from her being a British pro- 
vince, she was again independent — more powerful than 
she had ever been — and nearly able to conquer Britain, 
then governed by Henry VI, the feeblest and most mis- 
erable of all the English monarchs. 

In virtue of that conquest, by Henry V, the kings of 
England have since pompously styled themselves kings 
of Great Britain, France, and Ireland. 

Francis I, though one of the most accomplished princes 
•f his time, spent a long reign in planning schemes of 
ambition, which proved abortive — in wars generally un- 
successful, and in artful and tedious negociations, at 
which he was a match for any of his contemporaries. 
Disappointed in his hopes of being elected emperor of 
Germany, his whole life was a scene of rivalship with 
Charles V, the successful candidate for that high digni- 
ty. The slow and sullen temper of Charles — his t^ol 



&1 FRANCE. 

and profound thought — his firm and even courage, al- 
way- gave him the advantage of Francis, when in pro- 
jecting them was danger from the undue intiiience of pas- 
siou, or when in actiou there was danger from temerity. 
In the course of their contentions, which were perpet- 
ually embittered by personal animosity, and which could 
only lud With life, Francis unfortunately become 
Charfafa prisoner. An advantage so great and decided 
as this, would for ever have ruined almost any prince but 
Francis. In the ; true spirit and character of a Frenchman. 
Francis bore this calamity with a more equal mind than 
most men bear prosperity, and he soon gained his free- 
dom. By an address which few monarchs ever posse* 
ed in a greater degree than himself, he wound his tor- 
tious course out of a labyrinth of difficulties without 
Ariadne to assist him, aud found himself able once more 
to look bis powerful rival in the face. 

It is an uncommon case, that Francis, notwithstanding 
his numerous misfortunes and the failure of most of his 
favorite schemes, left his kingdom at his death far more 
powerful, prosperous, and respectable than he found it. 
It was his lot to contend with very potent enemies ; hut 
Francis was a most accomplished prince. Such was the 
benevolence, the amiableness, the urbanity of his mind 
and character, that his courtiers loved him a9 a brother, 
and his subjects in general, revered and respected him as 
a father. His more powerful rivals merited far less of 
their subjects, and enjoyed their affections far less than 
he did. It is the remark of an excellent historian, that 
the reputation and fame of F'rancis have risen in propor- 
tion, as those who came after him had opportunity to per- 
\e.thc permauent benefits his administration conferred 
on his people. 

It will be impossible for us to speak distinctly of the 
kings of France. It being the design of this brief sur- 
v. merely to convey to the young reader a general 
idea of the rise, progress, and character of nations. 
There is one event, however, in the succeeding reign, 
Which renders it proper to call up the successor of 
Francis to view. 

Francis I ? vrat succeeded by his son Henry II, who 
was a prince not unworthy of the character of his 
illiutrious father. His wars with Germany, were gene- 



PRANCE. 35 

rally more successful tbau those of his predecessor, 
whose hostile temper towards that neighboring power 
he had largely imbibed. This prince took Calais from 
the English ; since which time they have had no footing 
in Fiance. He was killed at a tournament by count 
Montgomery, A. D. io5Q. 

The history of France, from this period till the reign 
of Lewis XIV, commonly called the Augustan age of 
France, opens an ardent and interesting scene, of policy, 
chicanery, the caprice of fortune, cruelty and bravery, 
with some virtue. Several great families and illustrious 
characters rose into public view. The houses of Guise, 
Conde, and Bourbon, became celebrated through Europe; 
and by their intrigues and conspiracies, iufluenced not 
only the French government, but shook its throne, and 
governed the politics of Europe. The protestant re- 
ligion had made great progress in France, and being 
espoused by many very powerful men, persecutions ter- 
minated in civil wars, and in some of the most horrid 
scenes of blood and cruelty recorded in history. The 
horrors of the massacre of St. Bartholomew's day, in 
15/2, exceeds all the powers of description. Thirty 
thousand persons perished in one night, in Paris and 
other parts of France, among whom fell the famous ad- 
miral Coligni. This was during the minority of the 
foloody Charles IX. 

The protestants w r ere led by the prince of Conde, and 
the catholics by the duke of Guise, two of the most 
celebrated personages, as well as able commanders of 
their time. Rivers of blood were shed, and all the re- 
sources of a great and numerous people were exhausted 
in various straggles ; while it still seemed doubtful 
whether the scale would turn in favor of protestantism or 
of Rome. Murders, assassinations, massacres, and 
plots of every kind filled every corner of France with 
terror; the blackest attrocities incrimsoned the whole 
nation with guilt, and rendered it " a laud of blood." 
The German princes, the pope, the kings of Spain and 
England were active, by their emissaries, in this scene 
of horror, and abetted each party, as iuterest or inclina- 
tion prompted. 

In the midst of these commotions the celebrated Henry 
IV, ascended the throne of France. He gained that lofty 



36 

eminence, by makii way through numberless im- 

pediments. Among many expedient*, be resorted to oik 
which tiie politician may justify, but which the impartial 
narrator of truth cannot mention without disapprobation. 
He abjured the protestant, and embraced Che catholic 
religion, as the only step which could advance him to 
the throne, in which feint he seems to have followed the 
example of the celebrated Maurice, and he resembled 
him no less in his untimely death. This was regarded 
as a pious fraud, since it is generally believed that be 
never altered his seniimcut* concerning religion; and 
that he still determined, as soon as opportunity should 
present, to favor and establish the protestaut cause. 
But providence seems to have determined that Ibis un- 
happy country, so deeply polluted by the blood of in- 
nocence, should never be purged but by the blood of the 
guilty.* 

As of the illustrious Henry V, of England, so of 
Henry IV, of France, we can only conjecture what 
would have been the result of a long reign, by the bril- 
liant exploits which be performed in a very short one — by 
the amazing energy which he manifested — by the com- 
prehensive views — by the amiableness, the elevation, 
and grandeur of mind he displayed, in so short a career. 

Henry applied himself with wonderful address to the 
affairs of government, and especially to meliorate the 
condition of his subjects. In these important and bene- 
volent pursuits, be was aided by the celebrated duke of 
Sully, the ablest statesman of his time. In 1598, be 
published the famous edict of Nantz, which gave free 
liberty of conscience to the protestants, and allowed 
them in the public (exercise of their religion. He en 
eon raged, and was in fact the founder, of the silk 
manufactories in France. 

This illustrious prince was assassinated in bis chariot, 
in the streets of Paris, in 1610, by ;i wretched entbusi- 
narae should never have polluted the page of 
ory. 

The son and successor of Henry IV, was Lewis XIIL 
He. by the aid of the powerful and ambitious Ricblieu, 

iSned, at once, the nascent liberties of Fran'-o. He 

» Rev. 3 



PRANCE. 37 

violated the rights of conscience, deprived the protest- 
ants of every privilege, and put a period to the religious 
struggles which had subsisted for nearly a century, and 
had destroyed above a million of men. 

During Richlieu's administration, the famous pro- 
testant league was formed among the northern powers ; 
at the head of which was the great Gustavus Adolphus, 
king of Sweden. This formidable combination in favor 
of protestantism, and which severely shook the German 
throne, originated in the profound policy, and was the 
plan of Richlieu — the very man who had persecuted and 
destroyed that cause in France. 

The reign of Lewis XIII, prepared France for the 
Augustus of modern times. He died in 1643, and left 
as his successor, his son, the celebrated Lewis XIV, 
then in his minority. The kingdom was disturbed and 
torn by factions and intestine broils. The protestants 
gathering strength on the death of Richlieu and Lewis, 
were headed by a prince of Conde, far more celebrated 
than the former ; and the catholics were led by the truly 
famous marshal Turenne. The mother of the young 
king assumed the administration, and, by the policy of 
Cardinal Mazerine, not only governed France, but was 
able to manoeuvre the diplomatic cor.ps of every court in 
Europe. 

The affairs of the French government had been con- 
ducted with such consummate skill, that Lewis XIV, 
when he assumed the reins, found himself one of the 
most absolute monarchs in the world. Early in his 
reign, he had the discernment and good fortune to ap- 
point, as his first minister, the great Colbert/ as he is 
very justly styled. 

The glory of France has been essentially owing, to 
the abilities aud virtue of a series of great men, who sat 
at the helm of administration. In this respect it is 
probable, that no nation, in any age, was ever so for- 
tunate as France. For more than a century, without 
any cessation, the reins of government were holden with 
strength, stability, dignity, and wisdom. They were 
holden by men of the greatest genius — the most exten- 
sive views, the clearest foresight, and greatest regularity 
of system ; in short, by meu of the utmost grandeur and 
elevation of mind, always acting in reference to the 



38 MtANCh. 

subliraest views of national prosperity and greatness. 
Such were Sully, Kichlieu, Mazerine, Colbert, and 
some others. These things, however, cannot be said of 
them all, without some qualification. Though aiming, 
and that successfully, at national aggrandizement, yet 
some of their measures were dictated by a degree of 
cruelty, pride, and injustice, which cast a mournful 
shade over the prospect — otherwise splendid and noble, 
almost beyond mortal perfection. 

Lewis XIV, aided by such powerful men, enjoyed a 
long, glorious, and important reign — to write the history 
of which, would be, in effect, to write the history of 
Europe, during that period.* The diplomatic science, 
if so it may be called, begun by his predecessors, he 
carried on with a much higher hand, and probably per- 
fected. He found means to fill all the courts of Europe 
with penetrating eyes, listening ears, skilful hands, and 
nimble feet. He plotted, negotiated, intrigued, deceiv- 
ed, and cajoled. Men who were corruptible he bribed, 
and even bought all such as were worth his money. 

His abundant success in mauaging the concerns of 
England, can scarcely be read without laughter, or, at 
any rate, without admiration. England, at that time, 
just landed from a disastrous voyage on " the tempestu- 
ous sea of liberty," was governed by the second Charles, 
a prince who cared for nothing but his pleasures and de- 
baucheries. If Lewis found him rather an expensive 
retainer, he also found the unerring clue to manage him 
and his people. Money, disposed of with diplomatic 
skill, did the work. And it is almost incredible that, in 
spite of all the virtue of England, Lewis did actually 
govern both parties then existing. He held them both in 
his hand at once, and unsuspected by them, penetrated 
the councils, gained the confidence, and dictated the 
measures of both. JJoth whig and tory were his tools ; 
and while he urged on the tyranny of the court, and in- 
flamed the lawless ambition of king (Miarles, he blew up 
the living coals of patriotic fire — organized a most ex- 
tensive conspiracy, called the rye-bouse plot; in the 
bosom of which he formed a still deeper plot — to assassi- 
nate the king, and revolutionize the government. 

Voltaire'* Age of Lewis XIV. 



FRANCE. 39 

Into these dangerous and daring schemes he drew 
many of the noblest lords of England, and still more of 
the virtuous commons, who were ready to sell their lives 
to save their country ; but who, through an unlucky 
mistake, sold their consciences for filthy lucre. Lewi* 
played the same game in several other courts of Europe, 
and particularly in Sweden, whose fall may be ascribed 
to French seduction. 

The elevation of France, in this splendid reign, was 
not more conspicuous in her foreign relations, than in her 
internal circumstances. Lewis encouraged the arts and 
sciences — patronized men of learning— and his reign 
was adorned by several men, whose names are highly 
respectable in the republic of letters. 

Ambition was the most conspicuous trait in the charac- 
ter of Lewis. But his reign was marked with various 
circumstances of injustice, cruelty and impolicy. The 
most notorious of these, was the revocation of the edict 
of Nantz, in 1685, passed eighty seven years before, by 
his illustrious grandfather, Henry IV. This was little 
better than a law for exterminating the protestants. 
They fled from his dominions in such multitudes, as to 
leave many places without inhabitants. They carried 
with them, into other countries, and especially into En- 
gland, the arts and sciences. He lost his ablest artisans 
and mechanics ; and from that time and cause, England 
gained the ascendancy over France, as a manufacturing 
people. 

But the latter part of the life of Lewis, as of Charles 
V, was as unhappy as the first part of it was prosperous : 
his greatness could not raise him above adversity. For 
ten years he experienced the bitterest reverses of fortune. 
The powers of Europe alarmed at his overgrown great- 
ness, and exasperated by his pride and insolence, formed 
a combination against him — two men appeared in the field 
who were able to humble his vanity, and rescue Europe 
from his oppression. The Austrian armies were com- 
manded by prince Eugene, and the English by the duke 
of Marlborough, one of the most celebrated commanders 
of modern times, and thought, by some, never to have 
been excelled in any age or nation. Marlborough and 
Eugene defeated and cut irt pieces whatever forces Lew- 
is sent into the field : they took from him most of his con- 



10 tRANCE. 

quests — they entered his dominions with their victorious 
and spread a terror and consternation not much 
interior to that of Henry V. In short, they shook the 
foundations of his throne, and not only humbled the 
haughty tyrant, but made him tremble for his crown and 
empire. 

This desolating war was closed at the peace of 
Utrecht in 1713 ; and France by the preposterous policy 
of the British ministry, was saved from a victorious arm, 
which seemed able to have recovered and re-established 
the claims of Henry V, ami to have given law to the 
great nation. Two years after the peace of Utrecht, 
on the first of September, 1715, Lewis XIV expired, 
after having experienced the vicissitudes of fortune, and 
exhibited an example of this truth, that no mortal, how- 
ever exalted, is beyond the reach of the shafts of afflic 
tion and adversity. Lewis might have said with his 
brother Charles V, that "Fortune, like other females, 
loves to confer her favors upon young men". 

The ancient monarchy of France, especially during 
the feudal system, was extremely limited. The spirit of 
freedom and independence which prevailed in Europe, 
was uo where more visible than in France. The people 
held various important and powerful checks upon the 
crown. But these for want of a proper balance aud dis- 
tribution of poweis, wore gradually away, and the royal 
prerogative prevailed against justice and inalienable 
right. Yet still the flame of liberty would, at times, 
break forth and burn with great strength, till it was wast- 
ed by its own impetuosity, or extinguished by the regu- 
lar advances of despotic power. Next to the reign of 
Augustus, that of Lewis XIV was most successful in 
quelling, silencing, and utterly destroying all notions of 
civil liberty, and of equal rights. The French people 
erely taught to tremble at the power and resent- 
of Lewis — they were fascinated by his artful, win- 
niiigi aud insidious wiles — they were astonished and won 
;>v his munificence — they were dazzled by his glo- 
and they were made to believe that to " bask in the 
meridian blaze 1 ' of so splendid a monarchy was their 
»'-t happines 

ign of Lewis XV, was distinguished by few 
y of particular notice in this brief survey. 



FRANCE. 4J 

Ambitious without abilities and proud without energy, his 
life wasted away in the fading splendors of a court so 
lately illuminated by a monarch of superior powers.— 
During this reign, the principal objects which will engage 
the attention of the reader of history, will be the capture 
of the island of Corsica — the suppression of the Jesuits 
in France ; the causes of the gradual decline of the pow- 
ers and importance of France among the powers of Eu- 
rope. But for the investigation of these subjects, the 
reader must be referred to other histories of France. 

On the 10th of May, 177% the unfortunate Lewis XVI, 
ascended the throne. VVe have not arrived at a period, 
in which our readers are acquainted with many more in- 
cidents than can have a place in this work. We shall 
close on this article by stating a very few things, which 
are most commonly known, concerning one of the most 
important, most eventful revolutions recorded in the an- 
nals of time : a revolution which derives importance to 
us, on account of our commercial and political relations ; 
and especially by reason of its very recent date, and the 
vast consequences likely to flow from it. 

It has been generally thought that France never en- 
joyed a more amiable, a more virtuously disposed mon- 
arch than Lewis XVI. His misfortune from nature, if 
that can be called a misfortune, in which both kings and 
people are so generally involved, was the want of those 
extraordinary powers of mind, which are always useful, 
and, on certain emergencies, indispensable in kings. It 
is doubtful, whether, if he had possessed the mental pow- 
ers of some of his predecessors, he would not have sup- 
pressed the revolutionizing spirit, and preserved the 
tranquility of his dominions. So far from doing that, 
when the storm arose, the weaknesses he betrayed in- 
creased the tumult, drew destruction upon himself, and 
the guilt of innocent blood upon his country. 

We often contemplate with horror the wretched suffer- 
ings of mankind through the tyranny and oppression of 
their rulers. We as often wonder that any rational being, 
endowed with passions, and at all capable of self-defence 
or of revenge, will endure what so large a proportion of 
mankind endure from their fellow creatures who govern 
them. They are insulted, degraded, and trampled in the 
dust. Their rights are torn from them — they are depri 

H2 



FRANCE. 

ijoyment. The scanty earnings of their 

Jul I a bora must be cheerfully given up, to pamper the 

n v of a wanton wretch, before whom they must 

mil bow, and adore. Why will they endure all 

his ? Because^ alas ! their ease is hopeless. Their dis- 

ad raits no remedy. The experience of all ages 

-« has confirmed and illustrated the truth, that 

urrectiou, revenge, and revolution, do but plunge them 

u misery, and expedite their destruction. 
Lewis XIV, as already noted, had extinguished every 
of liberty, or even of hope ; and his immediate suc- 
cor, had neither virtue nor abilities to remedy the evils 
>f the government, or the sufferings of the people. The 
clergy, the nobility, and the king, were each of them at 
head of a separate system of tyranny : so that, in 
addition to the most cruel and odious oppression of 
the clergy, the people were crushed by an immense mon- 
archy, and ground to powder by a still more formidable 
aristocracy. Many, therefore, took part in the revolution 
from a just and laudable desire to remedy their condition. 
Having little fear of a worse state, they were determined 
to try to obtain a better. A strong remembrance of the re- 
cent fall and ruin of the Jesuits, taught them how easily the 
most powerful men are overthrown, when the multitude 
are roused and determined to take vengeance. 

The restless spirit which predisposes many for tumult 
and commotio!; powerful mover in the revolution. 

Such love to be in a bustle. The noise of an uproar is 
to them the sweetest music. Even the cry of fire gives 
them a kind of ecstacy, provided their own hovel is not 
in danger — [Lev love to rush with a multitude into enter- 
by how much greater their number, by so 
much fiercer their enthusiasm flames. Although su 
men an >ciety, they are fit tool sin a 

revolution: tand sudden revo- 

ice without them. Luckily for the revo- 
lutionist, they are found in abundance in all nations, and 
m cially in Franc 

The more enlightened people of France, had no hope 
of erecting a free and public upon the ruins of 

moon chy. Their wish extended only to a salu- 

tary i If i the government Tin ed to limit 

ihe royal prero a some prospect for the en 



FRANCE. $3 

couragement of industry and laudable enterprise, by giv- 
iug security to property. No people will be industrious, 
unless they can be made secure in the fruits of their la- 
bor. The people of France had no security in this res- 
pect. A large portion of their income must go to replen- 
ish the royal revenue ; another portion must be paid into 
the church treasury, to augment the enormous wealth of 
tyrannical, haughty, and vicious clergy. Besides all 
this, every poor man was liable to the exactions of his 
master, land holder or temporal lord. Each of these 
species of exactions were ordinary or extraordinary ; 
when ordinary, they took a great part of a man's earn- 
ings: when extraordinary they took all. Thus a wretch- 
ed laborer was often stripped of all he had, and then, to 
complete his misery, dragged to the fleet or army, and 
forced to leave his family to perish for want of bread. 

To remedy these monstrously overgrown evils, bene- 
volent people were willing to set a revolution on foot, tend- 
ing merely to a salutary reform ; but whilst they Were 
carefully nursing the tender infant, and fostering it with 
gentlest hands, like Hercules, it rose formidable from its 
cradle, and Grushed them to death by thousands and by 
millions. In truth, the veil suddenly dropped from the 
eyes of the people, and they saw, in their full light, the 
horrors of their condition. With one universal, strong, 
reiterated struggle, they attempted to rise, and plunged 
themselves " ten thousand fathom deep" 

The prevalence of infidel philosophy, or, as it has 
been styled, illuminism. in France, had a powerful in- 
fluence in bringing about the revolution. Those philo- 
sophers, with great apparent justice, availed themselves 
of the enormous corruptions of the religious orders, and 
the abuses of Christianity abounding in the church ; they 
ridiculed the idea of the divine right of kings, and art- 
fully laid open the oppressive tyranny of civil govern- 
ment. Under a robe, which, to the unwary observer, ap- 
peared pure and spotless, they concealed the most atro- 
cious, vile, and blasphemous seutiments concerning all 
government, both human and divine. They set up hu- 
man reason as the only light — the only standard of au^ 
thority — the only deity in the universe. They wished 
to bring mankind into such a perfect state of freedom, 
that all restraint upon their conduct should be laid aside. 



44 t"ll 

her with all distinction of property. They wished 
to abolish, absolutely, all law, to an nihil ate all obligation, 
and, in a won!, .ill distinction between virtue and vice. 

is dangerous philosophy prevailed iu France ; and 
among its disciples were many of the must eminent lit- 
erary characters in the kingdom, indeed, it pervaded 
all orders of people : and men of this description tilled 

uiversities — sustained the most important offic 
state, and were, in great numbers, in the court and about 
the person of the king. The savor of their doctrines, 
and the weight of personal influence, put in motion, by 
degrees, innumerable wheels and springs of the revolu- 
tion ; and, when they perceived things going according 
to their wish, they were at hand to project the most dan- 
gerous and daring schemes, and to develope the horrid 
extent of their views and wishes. 

The armies of France had been eye witnesses of the 
success of the American revolution. They had seen a 
glimpse of the independence, freedom, and happiness of 
the United States ; and had imbibed a portion of the 
same heroic invincible spirit, which animated the fathers 
of our happy country. Glowing with sympathy and 
delight, they carried the borrowed flame across the 
Atlantic. They painted, in lively colours, t£ their 
countrymen, the pleasing scenes they had witnessed; 
and they affected, most powerfully, the imaginations of 
that gay and volatile people, with dreams of fancied 
bliss. They said to themselves, " Shall the Americans, 
alone, be free; and must Frenchmen for ever groan 
with painful servitude ? ?? Each peasant became a politi- 
cian, and freedom was all his theme. Liberty inspired 
the speculations of the philosopher and the maxims and 
dogmas of the sage. It resounded in the ditties of the 
milkmaid and plougbboy, and enlivened the songs of the 
shepherd and shepherdess. Unhappy people! Would 
to heaven you might have gained and long enjoyed, that 
rational freedom which you saw at a distance, but could 
never realize ! In a word, the wild enthusiasm seized the 

I orders — it ascended to the higher ranks of people, 
and surrounded and overturned the 1 Drone. Its progress 

like that of fire, and its devastations like those of ths 
lestro> inj 



I IliANCE. 45 

Multitudes of men! pushed forward the revolution, 
actuated only by,the base and selfish consideration, that a 
popular form of government gives power and conse- 
quence to much the greatest number of men ; and of 
course gives greater hopes of rising to each individual. 
They view republicauism as a lottery, more favorable 
to their ambitious hopes than monarchy. Such wretched 
patriots as those, are the curse, the plague, the torment, 
and, indeed, the final ruin and eternal disgrace of all re- 
publics. At first they cannot be distinguished from the 
virtuous and honest man, who truly loves his country. 
They bring, of course, all honest men into suspicion. 
They use the language and put on the garb of virtue. 
They cover their designs so deeply with hypocrisy and 
lies, that they are often not unveiled but by their fatal and 
deadly mischief. Men of this cast, are far more useful 
in pulling down than in building up states and govern- 
meuts. Any incendiary can burn a palace, but a skilful 
artist alone can build one. The revolutionist seldom 
considers, that if he pulls down his government, and has 
not strength and skill to build another, he must either 
inevitably perish in anarchy, or must set some master- 
workman to building for him ; and that the fabricator of 
the new government becomes his new master, and often 
proves a greater tyrant than the former. It is a just re- 
mark, that the most despotic governments are generally 
the offspring of great revolutions. Thus, a revolution in 
Syracuse raised up Dionysius— the downfall of Pisistra- 
tus, in Athens, produced Pericles — a revolt from 
Rehoboam, in Israel, raised up Jeroboam— the destruc- 
tion of Julius Caesar elevated Augustus— Charles II 
sprang out of Cromwell's revolution— and, the revolu- 
tion in France, which has indeed, overturned the throne 
of Clovis, has produced a new one for the conqueror of 
Europe. 

The general character of the moral and political 
writings, which prevailed in the latter part of the seven- 
teenth and former part of the eighteenth centuries, espe- 
cially m England and France, had a powerful influence 
in the great events which have changed the face of 
Europe. But we shall close this article for the present, 
and reserve the nature and effects of this important re. 
volution, to be considered, when, in a subsequent 
chapter, we shall speak of the present itate of Europe, 



*G NORTHERN POWERS. 

CHAPTKtt VII 

rfcj \i;i:u. — Till. 

THE northern powers, viz. Denmark, Sweden, and 

Russia, may be considered under one head, as it rela 
to several essential articles of their general b 
They make no li-ure in ancient history, and very little in 
modern, till since the beginning of the sixteenth century. 
The Danes, indeed, under Canute the Great, after fre- 
quently invading, made a conquest of England in the 
eleventh century, and established a new dynasty. This 
was overthrown by William the Conqueror, of Norman 
dy ; and the Danes make no appearance worthy of 
notice till the fourteenth century; when, in 1397? Mar- 
garet, by the peace of Calmar, was acknowledged 
queen of 'Sweden, Denmark, and Norway. The great 
abilities with which she acquired and governed this im- 
mense dominion, gained her the title of the Semiramis of 

the north. 

The political importance of Denmark has been 
gradually diminishing for several centuries. It has 
generally performed the office of satellite, to some of the 
chief luminaries of Europe; and its history will be 
found to afford little to profit or to please. 

The extremely imperfect view we have given' of the 
north of Europe renders it necessary that we enlarge a 
little, in this place to present to the reader a more gene- 
ral sketch of the history of Denmark and Sweden. 
And as we cannot delineate, at full length, even 
skeleton of modern nations, we have judged it mosl 
useful to touch upon such parts of the histories of Chest 
nations as are in themselves most important. 

When we turn our eyes toward the north of Europe. 
we have before us, to use the elegant express \)r 

Robert of nations/' and a 

been often called, the northern hive. The counli 
beyond the Rhine extending northwardly along tht 
shores of the. Atlantic to the 9 a, indeed, from 

the Adriatic to the Baltic, were anciently denominated 
Germany . and those countries iu the early times of 
modern 'Euro' Girded as appenda-es of th» 



NORTHERN POWERS. 4fr 

German empire. The people of those countries, though 
extremely fierce and warlike, were of a grade of intellect 
far above mere savages. The Romans in the height of 
their power found them formidable enemies ; and they 
were^ at length, the conquerors of Rome and the 
founders of the present nations of Europe. 

We seem almost compelled to believe that the north- 
ern parts of Europe, were once more populous than 
they are at present ; and they certainly were far more 
warlike. If their populousness has experienced a de- 
cline, it must probably have been owing to the frequency^ 
of their emigrations and other causes of a less obvious 
nature. The refinements of modern times in connexion 
with the nature of their climate and situation has pro- 
duced effects on their governments, manners and customs, 
unfavorable either to population or a martial spirit. On 
the one hand, they have not sufficient motives to indus- 
try, without which their cold and sterile climate must 
render them indigent and wretched ; and on the other r 
they have not sufficient exercise in arms nor motives to 
war, without which they must grow effeminate and 
cowardly. In the history of governments nothing is 
more astonishing than that the sovereigns of nations have 
not been impressed with this truth, that their people will 
not be industrious without a motive, nor brave without 
an example. 

Denmark, which had made a figure under the great 
Canute, in the eleventh century, and, as just noticed, 
had given a new dynasty of monarchs to England, ap- 
pears little more in history for nearly two hundred years : 
when, for a short time, it rose and became illustrious 
under a female reign. Margaret was daughter of 
Waldemar III, king of Denmark.* She had been 
married to Hacquin, king of Norway, who was the son 
of Magnus, king of Sweden. This commencement of 
her elevation, awakened that ambition, and began to dis- 
play those powers, which soon made her the greatest 
monarch which then had ever reigned in the north of 
Europe. 

Olaus the son of Margaret in right of his father in - 
herited the crown of Norway, that of Sweden by his 

v Russell's Modern Europe, vol. ii> p. 379 



46 NORTHERN LOWERS. 

grandfather, and that of Denmark by his mother. ¥m 
although those crowns were then elective, yet that elec- 
tion seldom deviated from the lineal course, where there 
was a prospect of adequate abilities. But, Olaus dying, 
Margaret was chosen by the states of Denmark, who, 
. already, had satisfactory proofs of her capacity to dis- 
charge the duties of that high station, while she had 
acted as quceu regent of Norway. She was soon after 
elected queen of Norway. The Swedes, at this time, 
were governed by Albert of Mecklenburgh, who, having 
become odious by his tyrannies, they mado a tender of 
their crown and fealty to the illustrious Margaret. At 
the head of an army she marched into Sweden, expelled 
her rival and immediately took possession of tne throne 
and government. 

Margaret being now invested with the government of 
Norway, Sweden and Denmark, projected the scheme 
of the celebrated union of Calmar. At that place she 
assembled the states of the three kingdoms, and by 
their united voice, a solemn decree was passed, the sub- 
stance of which was comprised in the following articles : 

I. That Sweden, Denmark and Norway should 
thenceforth have but one sovereign. 

II. That the sovereign should be ehosen alternately 
by each of these kingdoms, and thai the election should 
be ratified by the other two. 

III. That each nation should retain its own laws, 
customs, privileges, and digniti< 

IV. That the natives of one kingdom should not be 
raised to posts of honor or profit in another, but should 
be reputed foreigners out of their own country. 

A minute detail of the reign of Margaret will not be 
expected. It will be sufficient to observe, that, consider- 
ing the age in which she lived, the rude and barbarous 
nations over whom she swayed the sceptre, and the grand 
objects she effected during her reign,, few monarchs have 
bei .pableof sustaining the weight of empire. 

He of the three female reigns, which have tak- 

en place in modern times, that will ever be illustrious in 
the annals of nations. The names of Margaret, Eliza- 
beth and Catherine at least are sufficient to reset • their 
sex from the indiscriminate imputation of weakness. 



NORTHERN POWERS. 49 

The union of Calmar, which took place in the last 
year of the fourteenth century, though it could not but 
remain unshaken during the vigorous reigu of Margaret, 
from its nature could not continue long. States and 
kingdoms cannot be permanently united but by a union 
of interests, policy, manners and sentiments. The 
evident partiality which Margaret had shown for her 
Danisli subjects, became so visible in Erie, her suc- 
cessor, as to excite a general odium throughout Sweden. 
The Swedes, accordingly revolted from Denmark and 
elected for their monarch Charles Canutsou, descended 
from the family -of Bonde. Soon after, however, they 
re-established the union of Calmar — thus revolting and 

... m ■ 

returning again to their connexion three times in the 
space of about fifty years ; till at length they were con- 
quered and enslaved, by Christian 1J, king of Denmark, 
known by the name of the Nero of the .North. 

These revolutions and struggles gradually diminished 
the power of Denmark, and opened the way for the final 
separation, independence and elevation of Sweden. Of 
this, we shall give an account somewhat more particular, 
which we take from Russell's Modern Europe.* 

In 1442 the Swedes revolted from Christian 1, king 
of Denmark, and invested with the administration of their 
government, Steen Sture. The cause of this revolt may 
be clearly traced, in the extreme partiality of the Danish 
monarchs to their own particular subjects, which often 
lead them into arts of tyranny the most atrocious, and 
even subversive of the fundamental articles of the con- 
federation of those kingdoms. The succession of Sture's 
son to the regency of Sweden, although it was generally 
approved by the nation, was vigorously opposed by 
Gustavus Trolle, archbishop of Upsal, and primate of 
Sweden. This naughty prelate, whose father had been 
among the candidates for the regency, persisting in his 
opposition to young Sture's administration, was at length 
besieged in his castle of Steeka, was taken prisoner, de- 
posed by a diet of the kingdom, and stripped of all his 
offices ecclesiastical and civil. 

Trolle, in his distress, made application to Leo X, a 
most powerful, accomplished and ambitious pontiff. The 

Vol. ii. p. 380. 
12 



j'J NORTHERN POWERS. 

pope ready to espouse the cause of the deposed printed 
immediately excommunicated the regent and the party 
that adhered to him, consisting of most of the nohility 
of Sweden. The execution of this hull, Leo committed 
to the bloody Christian J I, king of Denmark. The his- 
tory of the following events opens one of the most hor- 
rid scenes recorded in the annals of mankind. 

Pursuant to the order of Leo X, the Ling of Denmark 
invaded Sweden with a powerful army. lie was en- 
countered by the Swedes in great force, and met with so 
severe a check, that he was forced to change his plan of 
open hostilities for one of the most execrable and enor- 
mous treachery. He proposed to treat with the Swedish 
regent, and offered to proceed in person to Stockholm, 
provided the Swedes would deliver to him six noble 
youths, as hostages for his own safety. These terms 
were accepted, and accordingly, six" young men, of 
illustrious birth, were delivered into the power of this 
bloody pertidious monster, and were put on board the 
Danish ileet. 

Christian now supposing that he had all the advan- 
tage of the Swedes, necessary to bring them to any 
terms, instead of entering, as was proposed, into an 
amicable accommodation with the regent, immediately 
carried the Swedish hostages prisoners to Denmark. 
Of this number the celebrated Gustavus Vasa was one. 
Like the great Alfred of England, he learned in the 
school of adversity, those lessons of wisdom, temperance 
and fortitude, which afterwards enabled him to give law 
to the north of Europe. 

In the following year, 1520, Christian II returned to 
the invasion of Sweden, with a still greater force. — 
Siren Store met and encountered him in the West 
Gothland : but being entrapped in an ambuscade, was 
mortally wounded. The army of Sweden immediately 
dispersed, and the victorious Dane, thirsting for blood, 
marched directly to Stockholm. On his arrival at the 
capital he found nothing but terror, irresolution and 
depair among the Swedes. Trolle, however, now re- 
suming his archepiscopal functions, under the con- 
quering standard of Denmark, immediately proclaimed, 
Christian king of Sweden. The victorious monarchy 
ijFected the jsible clemency and A swore Uf 



% 



NORTHERN POWERS. 51 

govern Sweden, not as a conqueror, but in a manner mild 
and beneficent, as though he bad been cbosen by a re- 
gular diet of the empire, and by the voice of the people. 

His coronation feast was sumptuous and supprb. To 
this all the senators, grandees and nobility of Sweden 
were invited, and indeed allured by the apparent gene- 
rosity, openness and munificence of the new king. 
After the feast had lasted three days, in the midst of the 
greatest security, hilarity and joy, the archbishop re- 
minded the king that although he had pardoned all 
offences by a general amnesty, yet no satisfaction had 
been given to the pope, in whose holy name he now de- 
manded justice. An army instantly rushed into the hall, 
and secured all the guests that were obnoxious. The 
archbishop immediately opened his spiritual court, pro- 
ceeded against them as heretics, and condemned them 
to death. A scafflold was erected before the palace gate 
and ninety four persons were executed, among whom 
was Erie Vasa, father to the celebrated Gustavus, who 
was at this time a prisoner in Denmark. 

Thus fell the nobility of Sweden, accused of no 
crime but that of defending the liberties of their country. 
And when we consider all the circumstances of this 
horrid butchery, and especially that it laid claim to the 
sanction of Christ's benevolent religion, there is not a 
more shocking occurrence to be found in history. The 
subsequent account of this barbarous tyrant leaves little 
room to doubt, that Divine Justice saw fit to make itself 
visible for his punishment, even in this world. Death 
often lurks in the insidious smiles of a tyrant ; and the 
voice of all history and of all experience loudly declares 
that he is never to be trusted. 

It shall suffice to observe that Christian II soon ex- 
perienced a total reverse of fortune. His crimes and 
cruelties rendered him odious to the people of his own 
kingdom. He was deposed by them, and compelled to 
flee, a wretched exile into the Low Countries. He en- 
deavoured in vain to obtain the assistance of Charles V, 
his brother-in-law ; and after various struggles died 
miserably in prison—" a fate," says our author, " too 
gentle for so barbarous a tyrant." Frederick, Duke of 
Holstein, Christian's uncle, succeeded to the throne of 
Denmark and Norway ; and as for Sweden, she not 



NOn i \\v.\i\ powers 

only shook off the Danish yoke, l>ut we sh.ill presently 
see her giving law to the north and menacing the eoutii 
of Europe; 

In the mean time Gostavus Vasa, with the other live 
. was treacherously imprisoned in Denmark, as 
before mentioned. From prison he soon found means to 
finding himself pursued, fled in disguise 
and hid himself in the mines of Daleearlia, when' be 
for his daily support with the miners. — Among 
ude inhabitants of that country he soon began to at- 
iraet admiration. They were charmed with his popular 
ts and winning address. Mis form was athletic, 
and commanding ; and his uncommon strength 
and ability gave him a ready ascendency among his 
rustic associates. Perceiving; their utter detestation of 
7 he tyranny of the Danes, he took the opportunity 
disclosing to them his extraction at an annual feast. He 
made himself known, and offered himself as their 
just war. to set his country free, and 
!he blood of her most illustrious patriots. 
The people listened to him with astonishment, and 
dint; him as a saviour sent from heaven, they 
flocked from all quarters to his standard. He immedi- 
ately ed the Danish governor of the province, and 
takii* rm put the Danes to the sword. 
Tn short nothing could exceed the rapidity of his mo- 
';mis ; and in wars and revolutions celerity is always the 
best insui He crushed all opposition: 
every impediment yielded to his genius, valor and good 
fortune, till he ascended the Swedish throne. His i 

ne of the most illustrious in the annals of Europe. 
During this time. Christian, the Danish Nero, had fallen, 
and, as already slated, was succeeded by Frederick of 
Holstein. Frederick in 1033 was succeeded by Onru 
III, considered as one of the wisest and most amiable 
monarchs of that kingdom. Sweden and Denmark 
were now both favored wilh great and virtuous princes, 
a\1io Made the happiness of their subjects their chief aim 
and highest glory. The pope who had played such 
bloody games by the hands of hi* atrocious instrumi 
now lost all ground in the north of Europe, and the 
ligion was established both by Gustavus and 
Christian ill, in their respective kingdoms. 



NORTHERN POWERS. 53 

The reign of Christian III terminated with his life in 
1558, and that of Gustavus Vasa in 1560. Their 
memory is still, and will ever remain dear to their sub- 
jects, and famous in history. Gustavus, indeed, may 
he considered almost as the founder and father of his 
kingdom, very much resembling, as already noticed, 
the great Alfred of England. His reign was long and 
prosperous. For the space of nearly forty years he 
maintained the glorious character of a patriot king. 
Though his contemporaries Charles V, Francis I, Henry 
VIII, and Solyman the Magnificent, reigned over fairer 
realms and more polished people, they merit a lower 
place in the temple of fame than Gustavus Vasa. They 
involved their subjects in expensive wars to gratify their 
own ambition, and crushed them beneath a spiritual 
tyranny in doing honor to the Beast, But Gustavus 
rescued his people from a foreign yoke, diffused among 
them the arts and sciences, and delivered them from the 
Egyptian bondage of spiritual despotism. 

Few events had as yet laid open the immense regions of 
, Russia and Siberia to the view of history, nor has that 
extensive country till a late period made any appearance 
in the concerns of Europe. As early as 1470 John Bas- 
ilowitz I, grand duke of Muscovy, threw off the yoke of 
the Tartars, under which that country had long remained. 
He soon reduced Novogorod and Cassan, and received 
the imperial diadem of that country under the title of 
Czar, which in their language signifies king or emperor, 
as that of Czarina does empress or queen. To these ter- 
ritories his grandson John Basilowitz II, added the ex- 
tensive countries of Astracan and Siberia, in 1554. In 
this reign a treaty of commerce was entered into between 
Russia and England, then governed by queen Elizabeth. 

The family of this prince soon becoming, iu a manner, 
extinct, Russia was harassed with a rapid succession of 
usurpers, and civil wars, till Michael Theodorowitz, son 
of Romanow, bishop of Rostow, assumed the government'; 
and was able in 1618, to establish a peace with Sweden 
. and Poland. This Michael by the mother's side was de- 
scended from the Czar John Basilowitz, and in his per- 
son was again established the ancient dynasty. Alexius 
succeeded his father Michael. He left his dominions to 
his son Thecdore, both improved and extended. Theo- 



dorc on bis death bed appointed Peter bis balf brother 
as his >iiceessor to the exclusion of bis own brother and 
r, J van and Sophia This was he who was after- 
wards called Peter the (ireat. \s ou tlie death of Theo- 
dore, Peter was very young, Ivan and Sophia endeavor- 
ed to exclude him from the throne. Various straggles 
were excited, and (he existence of the empire seemed to 
be threatened by the prospect of civil . and the most 

violent commotions. The fortune of Peter, however, at 
li triumphed, and after publicly executing above 
$, ()0 of the malcontents he found himself in quiet pos- 

sion of the throne. 

When Providence designs to make a great man, some 
door is generally opened for his doing something almost 
peculiar to himself. The illustrious course pursued by 
Peter was struck out by his own surprising genius, even 
while unaided either by elegant literature, or that specu- 
lation which is the result of long experience. In 1697 
he retired from his empire, and travelled as a private gentle- 
man in the retinue of three embassadors, with a view of visit- 
ing various nations of Europe, and especially those most 
famed for industry, economy and the important and useful 
arts. At Amsterdam he made a considerable stay, where, 
as incredible as it may seem*, he entered himself in one 
of the principal dock yards as a common laborer and fa- 
red like other journeyman. At the same time he engaged 
with the utmost application in the study of navigation, 
commerce, surgery, and the various branches of natural 
philosophy. 

Thence he passed into England where king William 
received him with marks of respect due to the imperial tra- 
veller and student. In England he completed his know- 
ledge in naval affairs ; and, after the expiration of nearly 
two years, he returned to Russia, accompanied by sev- 
eral men skilled in the arts and sciences. 

The whole life of Peter was spent in the rapid forma- 
tion and still more astonishing execution of those grand 
schemes, which may be said to have given existence to 
one of the most extensive empires ever known. But be- 
fore we proceed farther with his history it will be proper 
to call th;> readers attention once more to the history of 
Sweden 



NORTHERN POWERS. 5$ 

Gustavus Vasa,of whose life and^character we have ta- 
ken some notice was succeeded in the Swedish throne 
successively by his sons Erie and John. The former far 
different in his character from his father, was deposed 
in 1568, and the latter died in 1592, leaving his king- 
dom to his son Sigismund, already king of Poland. Si- 
gismund, in attempting to re-establish the catholic reli- 
gion, was also deposed by the Swedes in 1600, and his 
uncle, Charles IX, was elevated to the throne. The son 
and successor of Charles IX was the celebrated Gusta- 
vus Adolphus. 

In 1611, Gustavus, upon his fathers death, was decla r 
red of age, and ascended the throne, though only in his 
eighteenth year. His kingdom on his accession, was en- 
feebled by a partial subjection to Denmark, since the 
times of the great Margaret. He found its internal con- 
cerns in the utmost disorder — distracted by divisions, and 
torn by intestine broils. All his neighbors, the Danes, 
the Poles, and Russians, were at war with him, and had 
already infested his territories with great armies, relying 
on his youth and inexperience, and the known weakness 
of his kingdom.- The great Adolphus, on this occasion, 
showed how far the power of genins transcends even ex- 
perience itself, and all the artificial acquirements that 
are within the reach of man. At one effort he dispelled 
the storm of invasion— at another he silenced all in- 
testine commotions. Before him went victory and tri- 
umph, and tranquillity and order marked his footsteps. 
His enemies every where met with defeat and disgrace, 
while he extended his conquests, humbled all his neigh- 
bors, and nearly made himself master of Russia. 

Soon after this, by the policy of Cardinal RichlieUj, 
as already mentioned, Gustavus was appointed head of 
the protestant league, for opposing and humbling the 
house of Austria. His life opens one of the most ama- 
zing series of splendid actions recorded in history ; and 
when we consider the power of the enemies whom he as 
uniformly conquered as encountered, we shall see reasons 
for comparing him with Hannibal, if not preferring him 
to that great warrior. Finding no equal in the north, he 
bent his course southwardly, and by a course of victories 
penetrated th& heart of Germany. He defeated the fa- 
mous count Tilly, the Austrian general, long thought in 



56 lUTHEk.N I'im 

vincible ; and gained a victory equally complete our 1 *i - 
successor Walstein. Hut this victory cost him his life. 
He w,»s unfortunately killed after the field was won, and 
with his flying breath, made the prophetic declaration 
thai he had sealed the liberties of Germany with his 
blood. Had he lived, it is thought he would have put 
a period to the German empire. 

The virtues and abilities of no hero or conqueror shone 
with greater lustre after his death, than did those of 
Gustavus Adolphus. The} Ions; survived him in the ar- 
mies which he trained, and in the generals which he 
formed. The names of Bernard, Torstension, Bannier, 
Wrangiu and s«>me others, will be celebrated to the la- 
test posterity. Those generals continued the war after 
the death of Gustavus, gave a blow to the power of 
the house of Austria which it has never fully recovered. 
Oxenstiern, the first minister of Gustavus, who managed 
the affairs of Sweden during the minority of Christian 
his daughter and successor, by his consummate skill en 
abled that princess, in a measure, to dictate the peace of 
Westphalia in l64&t 

With the great Gustavus and his generals the fame and 
prosperity of Swedeti seemed to expire. Christiana, in 
1654, six years after the peace of Westphalia, resigned 
her crown to her cousin Charles Gustavus. The life 
and adventures of this celebrated princess exhibit the 
most surprising extremes of magnanimity and weakness, 
of elevation of mind, and perversion of taste. The ad- 
ventures through which she past would furnish ample 
materials for the writer of romance. 

Charles Gustavus who was the tenth of that name 

a prince of considerable abilities, and gained some 

advantages in a war with Poland ; but his reii;n lasted 

only He died IfitfO, and was succeeded in his 

rnment by his son Charles XI, who was an odious 

I impolitic tyrant. Ho far from imitating the examples 
,il of his illustrious predecessors, he used his ut- 

4 power to oppress and enslave his people. During 
his long reign, though apparently successful in several 
wai and the Swedish name were falling 

from th and splendid rank they once held in 

Kii rope. 



NORTHERN POWERS. 57 

111 1697 by the death of Charles XI, the throne of 
Sweden was left vacant to the famous Charles XII, his 
son and successor, than whom, probably, no mortal man 
ever breathed more constantly the spirit of war. But, 
instead of possessing the great qualities of Vasa and 
Adolphus, he seemed capable of nothing but war and 
conquest. Headlong as a tygcr he rushed forward as if 
only solicitous to fight, with very little regard to pros,- 
pects of advantage/or the favorable moment. 

While such a tyger, however was about to be let loose 
in the north of Europe, a lion, if we may keep up the 
metaphor was prepared still further north to keep him at 
bay, and set bounds to his lawless rage. Peter, justly 
styled the Great, had just returned to his own dominions, 
enriched with discoveries and improvements calculated 
to aid him in the grand scheme of civilizing the north of 
Europe and Asia, when Charles XII, though but eight- 
een years of age ascended the throne of Sweden. The 
views of Charles relative to the conquest of Russia may 
well be compared with those of Alexander in relation to 
the Persian empire. But had Charles acted with that 
prudent caution which governed Alexander's counsels 
and movements, he might have avoided those disasters 
which ruined himself and his kingdom, even though 
he had failed in the main object of his ambition. 

The wars of Charles, however, were tremendous, and 
his name soon became terrible through the world. But 
he was too rash and impetuous to execute his plans by 
means which were necessary to give permanence to his 
success. He fought in all directions, and was generally 
victorious. He humbled all his adversaries except one. 
and struck terror into all his neighbours. He dethroned 
Augustus, king of Poland, new modelled the government 
of that kingdom, and caused Stanislaus, a creature of 
his own, to be invested with that sovereignty. But his 
whole plan of operations may be clearly traced into his 
great design of subduing Russia, which issued in the 
battle of Pultowa, fought on the 11th of July 1709. 
With a brief sketch of the circumstances leading to this 
decisive battle between Charles and Peter, we shall close 
this article, and refer the reader to the details of the 
events in the history of those times. Whilst Charles, 
mad with his design of becoming a second Alexander 

K2 



NORTHERN POWERS. 

anil conquering all mankind, was with the utmost dih- 
preparing the way for his operations against Peter, 
atter by a stretch of masterly policy unequalled in 
iud, \\; ■ ■ning his resources, fortifying his 

t. improving his immense empire and strengthening 
of his throne. The victorious standard of 
9, id 1707 j which bad been displayed in Saxony to 
the terror of all Germany, was removed and again seen 
in Poland. Thither at the head of 43,000 men Chailes 
now proceeded to oppose the Russian arms, which during 
his absence had been employed in favor of Augustus the 
dethroned monarch. Peter, from Lithuania, where he 
had for some time been, directed his march towards the 
river Boiisthenes, avoiding for the present a general 
battle with the Swedish hero. So near were the two ar- 
mies that Charles arrived in the city of Grodno, ou the 
same day that Peter left it. But the pursuit was in vain. 
The sovereign of Russia on this occasion displayed 
that wisdom and prudence which seclned the prelude to 
his future triumph. — Finding himself in his own domin- 
ion*, and justly fearing the consequences of so terrible a 
conflict, as seemed approaching, he sent an embassy to 
the king of Sweden with proposals of peace. — Charles 
:cd for answer that he would treat with him at Mos- 
cow. The Czar's remark when this haughty answer 
\\ .1- brought him gives us a trait of the character of the 
two rivals. " My brother Charles,"' said he, " always 
affects to play (he Alexander, but I hope he will not 
find me a Darius. 1 ' The celerity of his retreat defeated 
all hopes of overtaking him, and the Swedish monarch 
himself by pursuing his march towards Mos- 
cow . I >u t in this he fovnd no small difficulty. His army 
siifii; rcdible hardships in pursuing the course of 

the 1 ;:« aware of his approach had destroyed all 

mean UflEsteuce, ami indeed almost ever igeof 

human habitation. >ses and exten- 

sive solitudes presented before them scenes of desolation, 
and the alarming prospect or destruction. Through 
!S the Russians moved with safety, 
; in their own country and led by a great com- 
maudcr. who knew well how to avail himself of his 
own resources : end to leave behind him nothing to fa- 
cilUate the i> of his pursuer 



•& 



NORTHERN POWERS. 50 

Charles, though now determined to march to Moscow, 
was compelled to alter his line of march, and hy a more 
circuitous course to pass through places whence some 
supplies might be derived for his army, now nearly 
perishing with fatigue and want of every necessary. 
The north of Europe abounds with vast forests and 
trackless wilds, almost impassable in the summer season, 
and now clothed with double horrors by the approach of 
winter. The ablest officers of his army remonsti 
against penetrating those inhospitable climes in the 
winter season. Count Piper, on whom he had ever 
placed much dependence, earnestly recommended it to 
him to remain in the Ukraine, a province lying along the 
river Boristhenes, till the winter, which at that time was 
intensely severe, was past. He, however, crossed that 
river and advanced to the banks of the Disna, beyond 
which, he perceived a Russian army posted to resist his 
passage. 

He crossed, however, and coutinued his march, 
making a slow progress into the Russian territories. 
Hovering parties of the enemy added continual surprise 
to his painful and perilous march, and numbers of his 
men daily perished through the inclemency of the season. 
Wearing away the winter in those frosty regions, he at 
length arrived on the 10th of May at the town of Pultowa, 
where was an important magazine of stores and neces- 
saries of which the Swedish army was in great want. 
But Pultowa was defended by a garrison of 9000 Rus- 
sians, and the Czar himself lay not very far distant with 
an army of 70000 men. 

The attack of Charles upon this place which was 
strongly fortified, was one of the most daring enter- 
's ever attempted by any commander. For that 
reason he could not be dissuaded from so rash a measure. 
In spite of every effort of the Swedes the town could 
not be reduced before the arrival of the Czar with his 
main army : and Charles, although wounded iu his heel 
by ? a musket ball, determined to give him battle. He 
ordered his army to advance and attack the Russian 
camp. The Swedes long inured to victory made a for- 
midable onset, and not without impression ; the Russian 
eavalry was broken, but soon rallied behind the in- 
fantry. The king of Sweden borne in a litter animated 



60 "UTiiKUN Vi)\ , 

his Iroops, and displayed all the talents of the soldi 
add hero. 15ui Ik* oonteoded against superior fortune. 
On the side of Petei- there was equal skill and bravery 
with greater numbers. The Swedes fought with aston- 
ishing fury for two hours, but were exposed in the fiu 
of a tremendous train of artillery, which the Czar, 
whose arrangements for the battle wt -nil v. ki 

opened upon them. Their charge upon the Russian 
liue proved ineffectual, and their defeat, which was 
inevitable, was only announced by their destruction : 
9000 Swedes fell on the field of battle, and the army of 
Charles was utterly ruined. Charles himself with a 
small party of horse escaped with difficulty, and hastily 
crossing the Boristhenes, fled with a few attendants to 
Bender, a town in Moldavia, in the Turkish dominions. 

Charles XII never recovered from this humbling 
stroke, which seemed for awhile to give respect to the 
north of Europe, and was certainly followed by vast 
consequences to that part of the globe. But there never 
was a more restless man than Charles : he continued to 
struggle, negotiate and fight as long as he continued to 
breathe ; which was about nine years from the battle of 
Pultowa. For a particular account of the various for- 
tunes and adventures of this extraordinary prince, the 
reader is recommended to peruse Voltaire's history of 
him. As ^ already noticed lie threw himself into the 
power of the Turks, determining never to return to his 
own dominions but as a conqueror. He persevered in 
this resolution for several years, but was compelled 'to 
break it at last. Constantly fomenting felrigues, com- 
motions and wars in all directions, he could never lay 
aside his design against Russia, nor indeed his hope of 
subduing that mighty empire. 

Thus passed the life of Charles, till in December, 
17t$« he was killed before the town of Frederickshall, 
in Norway, by a cannon ball. After he was struck by 
the ball he only had time lo lay his band upon his sword, 
gwpiu;- he expired. 

All historians who speak of him allow him to have 

been one of the most extraordinary men who ever lived. 

d his piudeucc been equal to his courage, energy and 

ambition, he would have equalled if not excelled all 

conquerors. The disasters of his reign gave a 



GREAT BRITAIN. 6i 

blow to Sweden which she has never recovered. She 
has been declining during the last century, and has now 
become but a secondary power in Europe. 

Peter the Great, happily delivered from so trouble- 
some and dangerous a neighbor, for the remainder of his 
reign had little to frustrate his favorite schemes for im- 
proving his empire. He built a city at the head of the 
gulf of Finland, which he determined should bear his 
name. In the space of a century, Petersburgh has be- 
come one of the most splendid cities in the world. 
Peter displayed the grandeur of his mind more in the 
arts of peace than of war. He projected a union be- 
tween the river Dwiua, the Wolga and Tanais, thus to 
open a communication between the Baltic, Euxine, 
Caspian and Northern seas. In short, no prince ever 
did more to enlighten, improve and adorn his empire. 

Peter was succeeded by his wife Catherine I, and she 
by Peter II, who after a short reign died in 1730 of the 
small pox : he was grand son to Peter the Great, whose 
direct male line, in him, was extinct. The throne was 
next tilled by Anne, second daughter to Ivan, eldest 
brother to Peter the Great. She was succeeded by 
Elizabeth, daughter to Peter the Great : Elizabeth by 
her nephew Peter III, and he by his wife Catherine II, 
a princes of Anhalt-Zerbst; whose reign almost eclipsed 
the glory of that of Peter the Great. She was succeed- 
ed by her sou Paul, and he by the present emperor 
Alexander. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

THE SAME CONTINUED. GREAT BRITAIN. 

THE history of most nations is but the history of war 
and destruction to the human race. The mind is per- 
fectly fatigued and disgusted in reading of nothing but 
fighting, killing, murder, treason, and desolation. In 
the history of England the mind is often relieved with a 
most pleasing variety of prospect. It is the history of 
arts and sciences — of philosophy and government — of 
commerce and agriculture — and, to show that the English 



62 OBIAT HRITAIN. 

people arc ol one blood, and of one spirit with other 
nations, there is also the history of revolutions — of 
treasons, plots, massacres, and desolating wars. But 
the English people exhibit a surprising and illustrious 
example tal energy and excellence: They have 

been able, to give transcendent importance to a com* 
parativelv small i>l, ;<d, and that for a long time. 

(Meat Britain ind much smaller than Borneo, 

or Mad or Japan, or some other-, which might 

be named: et, for nearly twenty centuries, it has holden 
an import;, iii rank among the nations of the earth, and is 
now mistress of the sea. In a former chapter we have 
noticed Egbert, at the head of the Savon heptarchy, 
about the year 800. The successors of Egbert wen 
ceedingly harassed by the Danes, who a i planted 

themselves on the sea coast, and seized all the finest 
parts of England. 

The great Alfred, the deliverer of bis country, and, 
as he is styled, the father of the English constitution, was 
the grandson of Egbert. When all was given up for 
lost, and the Danes were considered as masters of Eng- 
land, the " immortal Alfred' 9 suddenly broke from his 
concealment, where he had, for some years, been hidden 
in the deepest disguise and remotest re< He 

erected the standard of his native country, which - 
became a rallying point. With a small body of men he 
encountered and defeated the Danes. The rapid rumor 
of his success drew multitudes to his standard. The 
Danes were every where defeated, and, in a short time, 
expelled the island. 

Perhaps no monarch ever more justly deserved the 
title of Father of his country, than Alfred. After the 
incessant wars had subsided, which made him powerful 
and independent, be set himself, with the greatest energy 
and industry, to improve his kingdom. J le founded the 
university of Oxford, in 895 : he rebuilt the city of Lon- 
don ; he divided England in counties, hundreds, ,\ 
he revived the trial by jury, and gave dignity, purity 
and despatch to the courts of justice : in n word, it may 
be said that he did his utmost to diffuse individual happi- 
hifi people, as well aa to give his kingdom 
the external marks of dignity and splendor. 



GREAT BRITAIN. 63 

The reign of Alfred was long and prosperous. No 
prince was ever more beloved by his subjects than he ; 
and he died in peace, full of days, and covered with 
glory, in 901. 

The successors of Alfred, for more than a century, 
were employed in wars with the Danes, with various, 
but, at length, with declining success. In the first part 
of the eleventh century, Canute the Great, king of Den- 
mark, completed the conquest of England, and establish- 
ed himself on the English throne. In 1035, he left his 
dominions to Harold, who, after a short and inglorious 
reign, was succeeded by Hardicanute, in whom the 
Danish race of kings became extinct ; when the ancient 
line was restored. 

The Saxon race was restored in the person of Ed- 
ward the confessor ; but in him was again deprived of 
the crown. In 1066, he was succeeded by Harold the 
Usurper, the son of the famous Godwin, earl of Kent. 

The British crown seemed now to be unsettled, and, 
in a measure, at the disposal of the common chances of 
war. William of Normandy ,\ a prince of great territo- 
rial resources, and of still greater abilities for war, pre- 
pared to assert his claim to it — a very specious claim, 
indeed, but the origin of all monarchial claims ; for, as 
Brennus told the Roman embassadors, " the right of con- 
querors lie in their swords," William's claim was ground- 
ed wholly in his power, and he was successful. Accom- 
panied by many soldiers of fortune, whom the fame of 
his abilities and the splendor of his enterprise had drawn 
from all parts of Europe, he made a formidable descent 
upon the English coast, aud landed without opposition., 
He was soon met by Harold at the head also of a power- 
ful army. Few fields have been more sharply disputed : 
arguments of great strength were used on both sides. — 
Their claims and great exertions, in point of merit, as 
well as in point of strength, were nearly equal. Each 
of the rivals, as well as many of their followers had the 
same grand objects in view, each fought for life, crown, 
empire, honor, glory and everlasting fame. The eyes 
of all Europe were anxiously turned towards the scene, 
and the pen of the historian was ready to transmit the 
event to unborn ages. Great bravery was displayed on 
Jrnth sides. 



64 GREAT BRITAI 

Harold fell in b iml William seized, without lui 

tlier opposition, the august prize. He found it, Low 
i, more difficult to retain than to acquire the crown 
of England. He was kept in continual alarms, and his 
life was endangered by daring plots and conspiracies/ 
His jealousies of the English people, which wen- not 
increased without cause, occasioned universal alterations 
in the internal police of the kingdom. He deeply in- 
fringed the ancient constitution : and, at length breaking 
over all restraint, lie caused innumerable confiscation 
and, by suborned evidence, N st unjust and cruel 

attainders of treason. He nearly exterminated the an- 
cient nobility, and by « -. effected a conversion of 
the property of the whole kiugdom. 

From the times of William the Conqueror, to the 
reign of Htettry Vill, the history of England presents 
a variegated and interesting scene. The Henries and 
Edwards were, generally, both statesmen and warriors. 
It will be impossible to go in a particular consideration 
of their respective reigns ; but we must begthereade; 
permission to pass over this very considerable period 
with a few general remarks. 

During this period the struggles between the three or- 
ders, viz. the king, lords and commons, were incessant, 
and, at times, had well nigh involved the kingdom 
ruin. The great and powerful lords, were often I 
powerful for the crown and for the commons. Th 
held their castles and strong fortresses in all parts of the 
island : and. where an union happened to combine their 
strength, they seemed often to bid fair to do as Poland 
has since done, 16 its own utter ruin — that is, to over- 
turn the throne and enslave the people. Of all govern* 

nt3 in the world, perhaps an aristocracy is the woi 
It is like an hv th an hundred heads: it is restb 

bee mbitiotis, and weak because disunited : it i- 

miserable because i 'iced without virtue, and con- 

tern; msc and crafty without power. The 

time proper for action is consumed in deliberation, and 
the lucky moment passes unimprovi 

\V ; English government leaned chiefly towards 

this form, the nation was feeble and liable to innumera- 
ble I • and. owing to this cause, had been easily 
subj i Danes, and Normans. The 



GREAT BRITAIN. 65 

undue power and influence of the great lords remained 
firm and unshaken, and must have ultimately terminated 
in the ruin of the nation : hut it received a fatal blow by 
the policy of Henry VII, who so far abolished the feudal 
tenures, as to enable the nobil I great peers of the 

realm, to alienate their landed estates, v> hich before his 
time they could not. This occasioned a change, and a 
much wider distribution of prope: ndency 

to produce ajuster balance in the powers of government. 
The extraordinary abilities, fo. and characters of 

several of the English monarchs, contributed greatly to 
establish, unite, and dignify the nation. Perhaps no na 
tion in Europe, at this early period, was governed so ably 
and so wisely. Several of the Henries and of the Ed- 
wards, were men of the most consummate abilities. We 
have already mentioned Henry V, With his name we 
may associate that of Edward III, who is called the fa- 
ther of the English constitution. He was equally great 
in war, aud held, during his glorious reign, no less the 
confidence and veneration of his subjects than the dread 
of his enemies. 

It was the peculiar felicity of England, to derive ben- 
efit from their worst as well as from their best and ablest 
princes. They had several kings who would answer 
well to put on the black list of Roman emperors. But, 
even those disgraceful reigns were directly or indirectly 
productive of good. In the contemptible and inglorious 
reign of king John, was laid the corner stone of English 
liberty — the main pillar of that mighty fabric of power, 
wealth, political wisdom and safety, which has enabled 
the people of that island to hold, at times, the balance 
of Europe ; and by which they now hold the empire of 
commerce and navigation, and are able to unfurl their 
triumphant flag throughout the whole world of Maters. 

The Magna Charta is a bill of rights, founded on the 
most obvious principles of natural and civil justice; and 
regarding it as a human invention, among all the nations 
of the world, if we except the United States, nothing 
can be found either in ancient or modern times, equal or 
comparable to it. It demonstrates that, even in the 13th 
ceuturv, the Endish nation far excelled Greece and 
Rome in political wisdom and virtue. And the constitu- 
s and bills of rights in our own happy country, are. 
L2 



66 \ la i nun a. 

but children from that illustrious parent. Whether th* 
English nation are as wise in the li)th as they were ID the 

i century, the writer does not pretend to say. Tin 
(1 i i aeed as much wisdom. 

taps, no reign recorded in the annals of 
Dry more weak and miserable, or of much great 

VI, Yet (he stril ud 

revolutions during that tempestuous reign, were, h t v no 

ms, the convui death : but, if we may use a 

phrase somctir physicians, they were the vi< 

of the kingdom. Old Warwick, the 

and queen Margaret could 

well fight the battles of her husband. The invincible 

spirit of the nation was often roused : nor was it restored 

to tranquillity withont laying some stone in the national 

fabric which was destined for many ages to resist the 

billows of time. 

In the period now before us, the reader of English 
history will find his attention drawn to oue of the most 
extraordinary civil wars in which any nation was evejr 
engaged. It was a contention between the houses of 
York and Lancaster, for the crown of England. Both 
descended from the ancient royal liue. These wars, 
after having embroiled the kingdom during many succes- 
sive reigns, and cost much blood and treasure, were 
happily ended on the accession of Henry VII, to the 
throne, in whom both claims were united. 

No monarch ever mounted the English throne under 
greater advantages than Henry VIII. It is supposed 
that his father, at the time of his death, possessed more 
ady money than all the monarchs of Europe besides. 
His kingdom was powerful, united, and at peace with 
the neighboring power*. His treasury was full, arid he 
was himself a prince of great abilities. But Henry, 
with all these advantages, was a vain, odious, un- 
principled tyrant. His pride and vanity could he mea- 
sured by nothing but each other, because they were both 
unbounded. He was false, cruel, capricious, fickle, 
id nf a temper overran with the meanest jealousy, and 
the most vindictive resentment. His tyranny seemed al- 
llow from mere malice and depravity. 
Providence, however, employed him as an instrument 
humble the pride of a still greater tyrant than himself, 



GREAT BRITAIN. 6? 

the Roman pontiff. His most celebrated exploits, for 
he never seemed ambitious of war, were his matrimonial 
connexions and dissentions — his separation from the 
church of Rome — his founding the English church by 
making himself and successors the head of it, (a tem- 
poral head to a spiritual body.) and his composing a 
prayer book and forms of worship for the same. 

The support which Luther's reformation in Germany 
received, from several of the most powerful princes of the 
empire, had already made a great and irretrievable in- 
fraction upon the See of Rome. But an event toot place 
in England, which gave a still more deadly wound to the 
beast with seven heads and ten horns. Henry VIII had 
conceived an attachment to Ann Boleyn, a young lady of 
his court, of great beauty and accomplishments. But 
he found it impossible to marry, and make her the partner 
of his throne, without finding a pretext for divorcing his 
queen, Catharine of Spain, and he soon found one to his 
wish. Before he married her, she had been the wife of 
his brother Arthur. The king's conscience suddenly 
grew remarkably susceptible on the occasion, and he 
shuddered at the idea of having lived so long in the hor- 
rid sin of incest. The matter, however, was no sooner 
suggested than all imputations vanished — it appeared 
that his marriage was legal, and that nothing existed 
which could, in the slightest degree, tarnish the reputa- 
tion of his virtuous queen. 

But what satisfied others could by no means satisfy 
Henry. His conscience grew more clamorous, and his 
scruples every day increased. Finding he could effect 
nothing at home, he made application to the pope for a 
dispensation of divorcement. The pope, after a full 
hearing of the cause, rejected the application in the 
most peremptory terms. Henry persisted. The pope 
threatened. Henry divorced his queen and married the 
lady Ann. The pope thundered a bull of excommuni- 
cation against him, and laid his kingdom under an in- 
terdict, absolving his subjects from their allegiance. 
Henry, on his part, met the pope's bull by another bull 
as stout, and excommunicated the pope. Thus the se- 
paration of England from the Romish church began, and 
various causes, of a more pure and laudable nature, 
gave it strength and *tabilitv. 



OHEAT DRITAI 

Tin l crimes of Henry increased progres- 

!y with ias years. The nol>le^t blood of England 

flowed to satisfy his savage barbarity of heart* Even 

beauteous Ann Boleyn, whom be bad mairird and 

^•d to his throne, found neither in her charms nor 
any security, from the jealousy and rage of this 
infernal monster. Upon a slight suspicion of incon- 
stancy to the kin:;, she suffered death. Hut we will not 
waste the rentier's time in tracing the atrocities of a 
villain of the firsi magnitude} who, considering his su- 
perior advantages, deserves to sink into the shades of 
eternal infamy, t^n thousand >s below Nero or 

DoiuJ Ian. 

The dcafb of Edward YT, in his 16th year, left the 
throne vacaul to Mary, who \, led the 

Bloody Mary. Her administration was distinguished 
by nothing but weakness and cruelty. The ilames of 
persecution were lighted up all over the kingdom, and 
the names of Bonner am{ Gardiner, will descend, with 
infamy 10 all posterity, as being tl instruments of 

her cruellies. 

Mary died in 1558> and her short and inglorious 
reign v 9$ followed by one of a character opposite in all 
reap 111, daughter of Henry VIII, by Ann 

Boleyn, succeeded her sister Mary, in her 3s>th year, 
and continued to govern England 15 years. The chief 
traits of her administration were enorgy, sagacity, a good 
share of justice, able couucils, a profound and extensive 
policy, and what Cicero calls felicity, or good fortune. 
Few monarch? ever held the reins of government with a 
stronger, mote or more cautious hand, than queen 

Elizab , were blended, it is said, 

a slight tinge of vanity of her m \, and of the arbitrary 
cruelty of her father. 

Under such an admin: j might be naturally 

expected, many important objects were accomplished. 
The internal structure of the English government recei- 
ved vast accessions of strength and perfection. The re- 
formation begun by Henry VIII, and attempted to lie 
destroyed l>; Mary, was rendered permanent under the 
reign of Elizabeth; the protectant cause in Europe, re- 
ceived countenance, credit, and support from so powerful 
a friend. Confusion was poured upon the gloomy coun- 



GREAT BRITAIN, 60 

sels and sanguinary designs of Philip II. And the Eng- 
lish navy acquired universal respectability by its bril- 
liant victories over the Spanish fleets. 

Elizabeth was succeeded by James VI, of Scotland, 
and I, of England ; under whose crown was united the 
sovereignty of the British island. The only great ex- 
ploit in which James excelled other men, was his dis- 
covering the powder plot ; which would, otherwise, have 
escaped the sharpest eyes in England. The catholic 
faction had contrived to bury 36 barrels of powder under 
the parliament house, where the king, lords, and com- 
mons were, on a certain day, to be convened. The plot 
though entrusted to nearly an hundred persons, had been 
kept a profouud secret for eighteen months ; and was, 
within a few hours of its consummation, when a certain 
member of the parliament, received an anonymous letter, 
of the most singular contents, in a blind way, warning 
him to abstain from attending the parliament. The let- 
ter was communicated to the king, who laid it before his 
privy council. When all were at a loss, and many con- 
cluded it to be a mere ridiculous whim, the king gave it 
as his opinion, that a plan was laid to blow up the par- 
liament with powder. On searching the vaults of the 
house, the powder was found ; and Guy Fawks, a da- 
ring villian, was taken with the matches in his pocket, 
for firing the magazine. 

James, with all the pride of royalty which any mon- 
arch needs, had neither genius nor ability to govern. — 
The contrast between him and Elizabeth, was striking. 
He was weak, superstitious, timid, and of course, jealous. 
His administration laid the foundation for the misfortunes 
and fall of his successor, Charles I, who succeeded 
him in 1625. 

The revolution of Cromwell, and the history of Eng- 
land since that time, are generally well understood. — 
To enter particularly, into the several important articles 
of that recent period, would protract this work far be- 
yond our original design. We must therefore pass it 
over with a few general remarks ; and only add here, 
that Charles I, fell a sacrifice to his own folly and im- 
prudence in Cromwell's revolution. After Cromwell, 
Charles II, recovered his father's crown and dominions. 
James U succeeded him — a prince less wicked, indeed. 



;T) BEAT BRITAIN. 

than his brother, Charles 11; but more andfoolis] 

than his father, Charles I. He was deposed, and 
iucceeded by William, prince of Orange. William 
was succeeded by Ann, and she by George I, II 
and III. 

Cromwell's revolution professedly set on foot in the 
cause of freedom, seems to be a convincing proof that a 
limited monarchy is that form of government, above all 
others, best adapted to the character of the English na 
tion. It is said by judge Blackstone, the reader may 
judge how justly, that the Knglish government compri- 
ses the excellencies, and excludes the defects of thi 
three leading forms of government. There is a monarch 
whose prerogative is limited — an aristocracy whose pow- 
ers are defined — and a democracy whose privileges are 
guarded. If their theory is better than their practice, 
they are not alone. 

The English nation have exhibited one mark of wis- 
dom, energy and virtue, above all other nations. After 
so great, so dangerous, so wasting a revolution as that of 
Cromwell, they seemed to rise, not like Sampson after 
he had lost his hair; but like one who is made virtuous 
by affliction, strong by exertion, and wise by experience. 
The vicious, inglorious, and troublesome reign of the 
house of Stewart, following that revolution, could not 
prostrate a nation which seemed made, not for the tools 
but the scourge of tyrants. 

Since the commencement of the 171h century, the pro- 
>f the British nation in all the arts and sciences, 
been truly astonishing, and has outrun all calculation. 
From her universities have issued an immense constella- 
tion of learned men, equally useful and ornamental to the 
world. Locke and Newton, from their innumerable i 

to the material and intellectual worlds, irradi 
ated the minds of men with beams of knowledge, which 
hidden from the wisest of the ancients. Others have 
improved upon their foundations : and art and 

sen - been pursued, improved, and brought nearer 

to I »n. 

Tin of Great Britain is a matter of admi- 

ration in ev( ry point of view. {J\u>n it the mathemati- 
u in. the , and tfa ed even 

ton. J< lias been made, by 



GREAT BRITAIN. 71 

theorists, the subject of controversy, of applause, of rid- 
icule — it has exhausted the declamator, powers of 
tongues and pens without number — it has often called up 
the spirit of prediction, and political augurs have fore- 
told its final term and destiny. This immense debt, if 
that may be called a debt, which is debt in one hand, 
and credit in the other hand of the same body politic, 
has been accumulating for better than a century, and, in 
1799, was about 500,000,000/ sterling. It is much more 
now ; but the latest calculations we have not at this in- 
stant before us. This subject opens various fruitful 
sources of doubt : it is doubtful, whether or not this vast 
debt can ever be paid : it is doubtful, hd w long it may 
continue to accumulate consistent with national tranquil- 
lity ; and it is equally doubtful, whether to annihilate it 
by a revolution, would not be fatal to the kingdom. Fa- 
ta invenient viam. 

The commerce and naval force of Great Britain, is a 
subject of admiration, equal to that of the national debt. 
Her commerce extends to all parts of the world, and her* 
navy is more than equal to all the navies of Europe be- 
side. By means of her power by sea, she has subdued 
or rendered tributary the finest parts of India, and many 
of the most productive islands in the ocean. Into her 
immense capital, rivers of incalculable wealth are daily 
pouring, from all parts of the world. Her India trade 
has opened by far the most extensive, lucrative and dig- 
| nified systems of commerce ever known ; and the mer- 
chants and nobility of London are able to make a display 
of diamonds and pearls in their dress, equalling, if not ex- 
ceeding, the most superb courts of Asia. 

The reign of George III, will be considered in histo- 
ry as an important and glorious reign. The loss of ju- 
risdiction over the American colonies, if an evil at all, is 
trifling in comparison with the vast accessions of power 
and wealth which Great Britain has made during the 
present reign, in other parts. She can derive as much 
benefit from the trade of the United States, as before the 
revolution which made them independent. Had they 
maintained their colonial relation, her chief benefit must 
always have been of a colonial nature ; and that 
she may still enjoy, if she will treat them with good 
manners, George III has not been celebrated as a 



72 ECCLESIASTICAL STATE. 

n, a warrior, or a monarch : lie has, however, 
-'♦in loffciHse prince : he has not wanted for 

able and wise counsellors in his cabinet, great comtband- 
v is b\ 86a and land, and men of Integrity and talents 
at the heads of tl -ral departments of government. 

By these he alone, of all the monarehs of Europe, has 
been ahle hitherto, to resist the madness and rage of a 
revolution, which in its formula hie progress, has chan- 
ged the. face of JL^iirope, and still threatens to destroy its 
liberties. 



CHAPTER IX. 

HE SAME CONTINUED. THE ECCLESIASTICAL STATE. 

FROM the first part of the 7th century, the ecclesi- 
astical state has been one of the mast powerful and im- 
portant in the world. Its powers were professedly of a 
spiritual or religious, hut in reality of a temporal nature : 
indeed, we may go so far as to say they were carnal, 
isnsnal, and devilish. 

In the book of Revelation, it is said that St. John saw 
a woman sitting upon a scarlet colored heasi : which 
beast had seven heads and ten horns. The woman had 
written in her forehead the names of blasphemy, and she 
was called Mystery, Babylon the great, the mother of 
harlots, &c. This woman is considered as representing 
the church of Rome ; the beast on which she sat, the 
temporal powers which gave her support. Its seven 
heads, according to some writers, represented the 9even 
hills on which ancient Rome was built, or, according to 
others, the seven forms of government which have been 
exercised over that empire : and the ten horns, the ten 
kingdoms over which Home once reigned w ith a tempor- 
al, and afterwards with a spiritual dominion. 

It must be confessed that the symbols are striking, and 
the all- vire.mcly just. At any rate, the power of 

the supreme pontiff, w ho became universal bishop the 
saun that M forged the Koran, was very 

at. His interdict upon a nation, suspended the per- 
formance of all religious rites, and cut them off from 



JXOLESIASTICAJL STATE. 78 

communion. He could absolve a nation from their oath 
of allegiance to their king ; and give them a right to de- 
throne and destroy him at their pleasure. Such was the 
superstition of those times, that when a nation was in- 
terdicted, they were considered as exposed to the im- 
mediate wrath of heaven— the greatest consternation 
prevailed, and their streets would be filled with men, 
women, and children, with garments rent, hair dis- 
hevelled, beating their breasts, and deprecating the 
divine vengeance. The sovereign pontiff had power to 
pardon all manner of sins, and even to grant indulgence 
for the commission of the most enormous crimes. He 
claimed infallibility ; and, as Christ's vicar and vicege- 
rent on earth, held the keys of heaven and of hell. From 
the enormity of these claims, which were* sometimes 
in the hands of the vilest and most profligate of mortals, 
we may conjecture into what extremes of wickedness 
they would go. 

They went into all possible extremes ; and, indeed, 
exceeded any conception which one can form, who never- 
read the history of their proceedings. Princes and the 
greatest emperors, have been known to stand barefoot at 
the gate of the haughty pontiff, patiently waiting for 
admittance : and when admitted, the holy father would 
set his foot upon their necks, and tread upon their 
crowns. In this manner one of the popes served an 
emperor of Germany : but they could not tread upon the 
neck of Henry VIII. 

Since the reformation in Germany and England, the 
papal throne has tottered. While Henry IV governed 
France, his favor to the protestants hastened the decline 
of that formidable hierarchy : and even Lewis XIV, 
though he destroyed the protestants of his own kingdom, 
yet he aided their cause in the person of Gustavus Adol- 
phus, who headed the protestant league against the 
house of Austria. After Gustavus failed, William III, 
of England, and queen Ann, by the duke of Marlborough 
severely shook the throne of France, and for awhile ob- 
tained the most splendid triumphs for the protestant 
cause ; by which, of course, the church of Rome was 
weakened. 

The French revolution threatened, for a while, the 
extinction of poperv : but the emperor Napoleon, fearing 

M 



CONCLUSION. 

the force of the old maxim, no bishop nor king, has be- 
come a friend to his holiness, and has re-established the 
catholic, church in France. But the weakness of Spain, 
Portugal, and Italy — the reformation of Germany and 
England — the irrcligion of France, and, indeed, the 
common sense of mankind, have at length reduced the 
bishop of Home, nearly upon a level with other bishops 
His vices are censored — his virtues arc credited — his 
ghostly power is despised — hfg infallibility is laughed 
at, and he is little thought of among the. rulers of states 
and empires. 

Since the fall of the ancient Romans, there has nothing 
existed in Europe like universal empire: therefore, by 
the course of empire since that time, nothing more can be 
intended tlifrn a series of states or kingdoms, which, all 
things considered, have heen more powerful than their 
neighbors. On this subject there may be. different opin- 
ion*. Were we to represent the course of empire by a 
line drawn through individual kingdoms, we should 
draw it thus : through Assyria, Persia, Greece, Car- 
thage, Rome, Constantinople, Turkey, Germany, and 
France. 

CONCLUSION* 

Thus have we pointed out to the student, the general 
outlines, or the mere skeleton of what he will find in 
reading the history of nations. As a man who stands on 
an eminence, and looks attentively over a wide and 
diversified prospect, so is the historian. Through the 
long period of five thousand years, his eye wanders 
among innumerable millions, and descries people, na- 
tions, and languages, v. ho were once active in the busy 
scenes of time, but are now reaping the retributions ui 
eternity. The great nations which enjoyed universal 
empire, are now silent in the dust. And, as objects 
subtend iigle in proportion to their distance, so a 

century, buried deep in the vale of antiquity, appears but 
a< an hour, and the duration of a nation but as a day. 
In the morning its infancy is weak, and its chief defence 
is in tiriiy or insignificance, or in the weak 

of others : it gathers strength by adversity, and at lei 
acqui ith. At mid-day it acnjiir 



CONCLUSION. 75 

strong and lofty attitude ; it basks for an hour in the 
beams of prosperity, and drinks deep the inebriating 
draughts of luxury and pleasure. And now its beauty 
fades — its strength decays — its glory perishes, and the 
declining day hastens a night of storms, and clouds and 
tt ver lasting darkness. 

The nations of men resemble the perpetually rolling 
and conflicting waves of the ocean. If a billow rise 
high, it is but to sink as low — if it dash its neighboiing 
billow, it is but to be dashed in its turn — if it rage and 
foam, it is but to exhaust itself the sooner — if it roll 
tranquilly on the bosom of the deep, it is but to sink for 
ever by its own gravity. It is thus with all nations, 
with all human institutions, aud with all the noblest in- 
ventions and works of art 

" The cloud-capt towers — tire gorgeous palaces — 
The solemn temples — the great globe itself; 
Yea, all which it inherit, shalL dissolve — 
And, like the baseless fabric of a vision, 
Leave not a wreck behind." 

And alas ! the ravages of timej though rapid and re- 
sistless, are too slow to satisfy the furious rage of restless 
mortals — they must share the empire of destruction. To 
them the work of death is most pleasant ; and to culti- 
vate the art of killing and destroying, has been their 
chief pride and glory in all ages, though whilst employ- 
ed in that dreadful work, they sink in destruction them, 
selves. Unhappy children of men ! When will you 
learn to know and to prize your true interests ? When 
will you be convinced of that, than which nothing is 
more certain, that war adds infinitely to the number and 
weight of your calamities — that it tills the world with 
misery, and clothes all nature in mourning — that it 
covers your souls with crimson, inexpiable guilt, and 
brings upon you the wrath and curse of heaven ? 

Is there to be no change in this tragic — this direful 
scene of blood and slaughter? Shall brotherly love and 
cordial affection never become universal, and peace 
never wave her white banner throughout the earth ? Is 
there no durable institution founded in virtue, and per 
manent as the eternal rules of justice ? Is there no firm 
aground of hope — no rock on which truth and reason may 



76 n; 

build a fabric that shall never 

Kingdom : its foundations were laid of old : its king ih 
of heaven : its law is perfect love : its domin- 
ion- are wide, for they extend !«> il uid virtuous 
in all worlds — all its subjects are safe, for they arc de- 
fended by almighty power; and they shall rise to i 
nal prosperity and glory when all earthly kingdoms shall 
vanish like a shadow or a dream. 

There is an nnseen hand which guides the affairs of 
nations. Throughout all their changes and revolutions. 
through the seemingly dark and troubled chaos of human 
concerns, an almighty Providence overrules ; and all 
events, past, present, and to come, are employed in 
directing and completing the destinies of all creature 
suhserviency to that infinitely great and glorious I 
dom which shall never he removed. 



CHAPTER X 

THE PBEBBMT STATE OF EUROPE. 

THE great alterations in the affaire of Europe, since 
i he French revolution, and the continual changes which 
are making, render the subject before us very difficult. 
Before these sheets are puhlished the state of Europe 
may be considerably changed from what it now is. At 
it may affect the political relatious of that quarter of the 
globe, we can only say, that a great revolution is now 
on the wheel. Whether it will be stationary, progres- 
sive, or retrograde, we cannot tell. Events may be in 
embryo, w Inch will defeat all calculation, and render 
the state of Europe better or worse than it ever has been. 

KNOWLEDGE. 

Europe, iu point of knowledge, has holden the as- 
)t more than two thousand years, over the 
quarters of the globe : and we shall hazard the opinion, 
• hat a comparison of the present, with all former periods, 
will be found highly favorable to the present time. In 
(Jie most -ng periods of Greece aod Rome, know- 



or Europe. 77 

ledge, or mental improvement, in general, was limited 
to a few places. If we take into view all the Greek 
and Konian territories, it is probable that not one to ten 
anions; the Greeks, and not one to an hundred among 
the Romans, knew hoic to read and write : but, at the 
present time, it is probable, that more than one third of 
the people of all Europe, can do both. The art of print- 
ing has filled all places with books, and brought the means 
of knowledge within the reach of mankind in general. 

Yet how many millions, even in that quarter of the 
globe, are still enslaved by ignorance and error. The 
peasants in Poland, Sweden, Denmark, and Russia, 
are the most ignorant people in Europe. They are 
bought aud sold with the farms on which they live, and 
their lives are at the disposal of the great lords who own 
them : yet they know no means of relief. They do not 
in many instances, know but that all is right. Like a 
beast of burden, they bow to the yoke, and if they 
often groan with painful servitude, they seldom think of 
deliverance. The manners and habits of those nations 
are so firmly fixed, their prejudices so deep and strong, 
that there is little prospect of any alteration for the 
better. 

It is matter of surprise that the more enlightened and 
wise part of society in those nations, even that their 
governments, who consist of great and accomplished 
statesmen, well acquainted with all Europe, do not rea- 
son more correctly, and act more consistently, toward 
their peasantry. They certainly know that industry 
cannot exist where it is not encouraged — that nothing can 
awaken enterprise but a prospect of great gain ; that 
their peasantry have no encouragement to industry, and 
no stimulus to enterprise. — They see them to be a poor, 
miserable, ignoraut race ; as void of ambition as beasts, 
yet without their docility : their farms are consequently 
unimproved — the ancient forests maintain their ground, 
and even wild beasts make head against them. In times 
of peace, their agriculture, their commerce, and manu- 
factures are neglected ; and, in time of war, if we ex- 
cept Russia, their armies are contemptible. 

The poor of these nations should be encouraged, first 
of all by giving them instruction, and then by placing 
before them the proper motives to industry. 



78 PRESENT STATE. 

It has been often questioned, whether tbe prevalei 
of knowledge in society would not tend to sedition dis. 
loyalty, treason, and rebellion. Experience determine* 
tlih question in the negative. The most knowing people 
have been . nerally tlie easiest governed. Government 
v,y exists anion ^cs : in barbarous countries 

there, is always a continual succession of turbulent re- 
be I lions am: revolutions. It will not be denied that the 
English nation, taken as a body, are the best instructed 
and wisest people in Europe : and their government is 
the most regular and permanent, 

It is a general observation that the most learned and 
b» »t informed people, have the best government in 
practice at least, if not in theory, and commonly in both. 
For example, tne governments of France and Germany 
are better than those of Spain and Russia, and the 
people of the former are certainly better informed than 
those of the latter. The government of Poland has been 
remarkable for weakness — that of Turkey for strength ; 
but both have been equally corrupt and wicked, and the 
people who live under them are the most ignorant of any 
in Europe. The letter and spirit of the Russian govern- 
ment consider all its subjects as slaves, or even machine* 
without will. They live quietly under such a govern 
ment because they are without understanding. 

It is an important question how far a continual and ra- 
pid increase of knowledge, among all classes of people, 
would go towards remedying the evils of all governments, 
and even towards abolishing the system of war now pur- 
sued by most nations. It is also an important question, 
to what extent learning might be carried in society, con- 
sistent with it> true interests. It would be vain and use- 
less to establish the former without previously ascertain 
ing the latter question. 

No nation, and doubtless no state, has carried the 
tern of education to that beight and perfection which 
would best promote its internal well being and honor. — 
No individual town, even in New England has pursued 
this object in proportion to its importance. To open this 
subject for discussion, we will suppose an extreme case, 
and from that extreme will descend to such means as 
must be acknowledged to be attainable 



OF EUROPE. 79 

We will suppose, for the sake of illustration that eve- 
ry man in Europe had the knowledge of Sir William 
Pitt; we will say nothing about virtue; the perfection, 
or prevalence of which, among men is never to he look- 
ed for as the fruit of their exertions. A change would 
gradually or suddenly take place in all the governments 
of Europe. A man, when he knows his true interest, 
will naturally pursue it. The present oppressions of 
Europe are generally mere impositions upon ignorance 
and simplicity. The poor peasant firmly believes that he 
was born to serve, and his lord to rule. He believes that 
bis body is made of coarser materials — that his blood is 
less rich, and that his soul, if he knows he has one, is 
from a humbler stock of intelligence. Give him know- 
ledge — raise him within the sphere of Pitt's intelligence, 
and all these delusions vanish. He sees the faults of his 
government — he sees a remedy within his reacb : he pur- 
sues, and gains it. He would never suffer with the poor 
ignorant wretch, who knows not — who thinks not, even 
in his dreams of a better state. The iguorance and ser- 
vility of the poor, is at once both the cause and effect of 
their poverty. And certainly it invites and allures the 
impositions, the aggressions, the domination and inso- 
leuce of men of stronger minds. 

After all that has or can be said of the power of wealth, 
a The mind's the standard of the man." Give the low- 
er orders of people in Europe but the intellectual powers 
of the higher — give them the mental cultivation, the am- 
bition, the fire of genius ; and the wall which separates 
them will fall to the ground. 

It is readily granted that all men can never acquire 
the knowledge of William Pitt : but how vastly igno- 
rant is the bulk of the people, in the most enlightened na- 
tions ! and with what ease their minds might be raised, 
almost infinitely above what they are. Let the expense 
of education rest on the government, empowered to draw 
sufficient funds from the nation. This is indeed, partial- 
ly the present method of the New-England states. Arid 
from this very source, they are the freest, happiest and 
most enlightened people on earth. 

No doubt it will be said that this is theory. What 
then ! Is nothing worth v of regard whiVh admits of the- 
oretieal speculation? Ts not the education of youth an 



^0 PR1 -TATE 

object worthy (he attention of government? [fit could 

h, as it ought universally U> b< . 
ftainly no governmental object ever outweighed it — no 
earth)* one. ever more justly demanded legislative wia- 
d<m. It was the opinion of Lyourgus, that the partial 
affection of parents for their children, disqualified them 
for ever ising government over (hem. Admit 
an extreme, we would have government interfere no far- 
ther with children, than to [mint out the nature and < 
tent of their education, and provide and pay their 
teachers. 

It is no uncommon thiug for boys to graduate in our 
colleges :.l sixteen years of age. If then. opt the 

Greek and Latin languages, every hoy might receive a 
liberal education before he is fit to become an apprenti 
or go into a counting house. Nor should his imprm e 
ments be limited here : other institutions should be form- 
ed, to extend the mind, and to carry into manly maturity 
the seeds of honor, truth, and justice, liberally planted 
in youth ; yet of a nature not to interfere with a cours- 
bush) 

If the funds necessary to defray the expeuses of these 
important institutions, were raised from an equal assf~ 
ment of properly, it would seem, at first view, to bear 
heavy on the rich, especially if they had no children : 
but, for what more important purpose can the rich and 
childless pay their money? l)o they not pay freely to 
support war, government, and almost numberless public 
institutions ? And is the formation, the well being, the 
glory and prosperity of the rising generation, an object 
inferior to any of these ? But, in effect, it would not 
bear hard upon the rich; for there would soon be v< 
few poor. I appeal (o the present, though imperii 
practice of the New-England states. There are fewer 
poor an han in any part of the world. 

Thet fling wanting then, but virtue in mankind. 

nothing hot a proper direction even of selfishness itself, 
to effect far greater improvements in society — far mogc 
light and knowledge than, as yet, ever existed in any D 
tion. These improvements, so far from being prejudi 
cial to government, would soon originate governments 
which the individual happiness of men, would induce 
them to love and support. And these governmeir 



OF EUROPE. 81 

whether monarchies or republics, would enjoy the con- 
fidence of the people, and those who administered them 
would possess a power far more permanent and illustri- 
ous, than they can in the present system of things. As 
there must always be in every nation rulers and ruled, 
the security and happiness of the latter will for ever gua- 
rantee those of the former. 

Should it he objected that there could not he a change 
in these respects in Europe, without revolutions and effu- 
sions of blood : neither can things remain in their 
present state without the same. There is one revolution 
upon the back of another ; there will be treasons, rebel- 
lious, and bloody wars. Tyrants never had, and never 
will have rest. 

If the several governments in Europe would begin to 
affect this glorious reform, by opening to their subjects the 
fountains of knowledge — by setting before them the proper 
motives to virtue and industry, they would find domestic 
concerns sufficient to call their attention from foreign 
wars : and the millions of money employed in cultivat- 
ing the art of war, would be employed in promoting the 
grandest objects of human happiness. 

But who shall begin this salutary work ? What power 
— what potentate has magnanimity sufficient? No men- 
tion shall be made of virtue, they only want the know- 
ledge of their interests; and the means of happiness is 
within their reach. 

INDUSTRY. 

There are but few industrious nations m Europe. 
The wealthy despise it ; and the poor have not the pro- 
per incentives to it. The Dutch have, perhaps, been 
excelled by no European nation in this respect ; but 
their industrious days are over. A rapacious and 
powerful master now stands ready to seize what they 
have got, and to anticipate what they may get hereafter. 
The Turks, the Italians, and the Spaniards are nearly 
on a footing as to industry. Among them, a soft, relax- 
ing climate has completed all the idle and vicious habit* 
which their governments naturally induce. Their rulers 
seem determined that they shall have nothing, anil the 
people, lost to all ambition and sense ef freedom and 

NS 



TI!. >TATE 

honor, have become .willing, that it shall be so, and arc 
willing to possess nothing: they, therefore, live in a 
poor, and, kit best, in "a precarious manner. With 
their present exertions they would, literally, starve to 
i. did they not live in very fruitful countries, where 
nature produces almost spontaneously for their susten- 
ance. 

The people in the north of Europe are compelled to 
labor, or they must perish. JJut their toil is ill directed, 
and without any spirit of enterprise, although severe. 
They cannot work with courage, and surmount difficul- 
ties with cheerfulness, because they are strangers to the 
animating hope of acquiring wealth, or even a comforta- 
ble living. Whatever they get must go to pamper the 
pride of a haughty, tyrannical master, who can hardly 
be willing they should breathe the vital air without pay- 
ing a tax for it. So stupid and extreme is the folly of the 
nments themselves, that their exactions are an 
tual check even -upon the spirit of commerce; and 
all the means of the people, in general, to acquire any 
degree of opulence, are completely fettered. 

This is eminently the case in Sweden and Denmark. 
•nments know it — thdir kings — their minis- 
try — their philosophers, and all their statesmen and wise 
men know it ; — yea, and much more than all this, they 
well know, that while things remain in this state, they 
can never flourish. They must be poor, feeble, faint 
hearted, and wretched, always ready to join the basest 
and most cowardly, but never capable of a noble enter- 
prise. They know all this : and yet they will, with 
their eycs#pen, strive to maintain the present mad sys- 
tem. They will keep it up till they are the scorn uf 
Europe — till they snare the fate of Poland — till their 
kings, ministry, statesmen, philosophers, wise men, 
and men of learning shall all fall a prey to their own 
prep- - folly — till they shall have their houses 

Darned, their throats cuf, their kingdoms destroyed, and 
i territories sown with salt. 

Germany and France, while they have loaded in- 
dustry with almodt insuperable burdens, have, it must he 
confessed, afforded some important encouragements, both 
i honor and emolument. They have, on the whole, 
made it better for people to be slaves than lazaroni : 



OP EUROPE. 8S 

for, though they are almost squeezed to death by mon- 
strous exactions, extortions, taxes, imposts, excises, 
customs, tolls, duties, rates, tithes, fees, rents, cou- 
tributious, donations, tributes, and several other species 
of public demand, yet many industrious people are aide, 
notwithstanding all this, to acquire wealth, and to attach 
respectability to themselves and families. 

I The English people excel all Europe in industry. 
There are no bounds set to enterprise ; and the farmers, 
tradesmen, and especially the merchants, avail them- 
selves, to an amazing extent, of their advantages. 
This has long been their character, and it has long been 
their salvation. Give a people knowledge, industry, 
and virtue, and they will flourish. Nothing can de- 
press them. A national debt, as heavy as mount Olymp- 
us cannot sink them— a revolution cannot crush them — a 
tyrant cannot long hold them prostrate, no more than 
the strength of one can resist the strength of millions. 

TERRITORY. 

Most nations of every age have been ambitious of ex- 
tensive territories. Hence originates the desire of con- 
quest, by far the most fruitful source of war. The 
charge that monarchies are addicted, more than other 
governments, to war and conquest^ is by no means just. 
None of the ancient nations were more warlike or more 
greedy of conquest than the three great republics of an- 
tiquity — Greece, Carthage, and Rome. They seemed 
never satisfied while any nation remained independent of 
them. The situation of Europe is best calculated for 
small kingdoms and states. Its several parts are re 
markably separated by large rivers, mountains, straits, 
and seas, which serve to impede the progress of armies, 
and check the rapidity of conquest. If modern repub- 
lics have been less warlike than ancient, it is because 
they have seen less prospect of being able to cope with 
their neighbors. 

No nation of very extensive territories ever long 
maintained its freedom. Rome cannot be brought as an 
exception to this rule, since it must be remembered, on 
the one hand, that the conquered provinces of that re- 
public were governed with the most despotic sway, and 



PRESENT : 

on the other, thai Home, in fact, lost her 

j upon the tall of Carthage. It will hence fol- 
low thru republicanism is better adapted to small than 
ies. It is hoped that the United States may 
exception. We glre so much credit to 
rine, however, that we strongly question the po- 
. our territoi 

The K aipire is one of the largest that e 

existed. It includes a complete northern section of Eu- 
rope and A.sia, and. according to some late calculations, 
comprehends one seventh part of the habitable earth. 
This immense territory is governed by a most absolute, 
despotic sovereign. The Russians were little known 
till the reign of Peter 1. called the Great. He extended 
his arms and ( owjuests over the barbarous tribes which 
thinly inhabited the vast countries from the gulf of Fin- 
land to the sea of Kamschatka; and from the Caspian 
to the White sea. The rivers, forests, and extensive 
plains he passed, presented him greater difficulties than 
the defenceless people he conepiered. 

The long, active, and glorious reign of the great 
Catherine was, in a good measure, devoted to the im- 
provement of his mighty empire : and she did much. 
She instructed and civilized her people — she organized 
a powerful and combining system of government, founded 
for the most part, on a humane and rational policy. 

But how vastly distant from civility, humanity, and 
happiness, are the numerous millions of that empire! It 
is a country too large to be governed by any single 
mortal ; and it will, probably, one day, fall in pi 
by its own weight, under some feeble reign. Indeed the 
rebellion of Pugatshef, in the reign of Catherine, had 
like to have rem it in pieces. 

The history of the reign of Catherine opens one of the 
most important scenes found in the annals of nations. 
Few reigns were ever more prosperous, and few mon- 
arch* ever governed with more consummate skill. She 
was loved and feared by her subjects ■ she held an cx- 
influence in the politics of Europe, both in war 
and peace ; and ^he was surrounded by a group of great 
and extraordinary characters. Such were the 

Orloffs, Potempkiu, and several others. 



OF EUROPE. 85 

Were it made a question, what extent of territory is 
most conducive to national happiness and security, we 
should be at a loss how to answer it. Little instruction 
could be drawn from experience ; the histories of na- 
tions afford no certain ground for conclusion. Empires 
and states of all sizes, from that of St. Marino in Italy, 
which comprehended the inhabitants of but one small 
village on a hill, to that of the empire of Russia, or of 
Gheughis Khan, seem at all times to have owed their 
safety and happiness to far other circumstauces than their 
size. An independent state sometimes owes its safety to 
its poverty — sometimes to the virtue of its neighbors, 
but oftener to their weakness — sometimes to its own 
power and prosperity, but oftener faj to its virtue and 
industry, i If size were of any account in the happiness 
or duration of a state, certainly Poland would have 
been happy, and would not have been torn in pieces by 
her rapacious neighbors. Spain would be very powerful 
and happy if power and happiness were the offspring of 
territories both rich and extensive. The same may be 
said of Turkey, Germany and many others. 

Among the largest empires may be reckoned those of 
Sesostris, Nebuchadnezzar, Cyrus, Alexander, Caesar, 
Ghenghis Khan, Tamerlane, Charles V, and Peter the 
Great. Among the smallest which have made any 
figure, those of Tyre, Judea, Sparta, Palmyra, Venice, 
and Britain. But from a careful attention to the history 
of these nations it will be difficult to determine which 
have been the most happy or secure. Probably, however, 
Venice and Great Britaiu, if we consider merely the 
condition of individuals, have been surpassed by few. 
Nations consist of individuals : and if the people of any 
nation are happy and prosperous it is of little conse- 
quence to them what the extent of their empire is. A 
nation considered as a body, state, or empire is not a 
creature which actually exists, and that feels pleasure 
and pain. It exists no where but in idea ; nor even in 
that if, as philosophers now mostly allow, there be no 
such thing as a general idea. A nat'on, in fact, is an 
aggregate of individuals, united under certain laws and 
ilations for the purpose of mutual benefit. The 
great and only end of all national objects and measures 
is properly the good of the individual : and apart from 



86 l'RESENT STATE 

this the ternis national glory, honor, character, interest, 
ac high sounding words without meaning. 
If a nation in its collective capacity formed one great 
giant, as much Larger than au individual as the nation is ; 
and this giant had organs, understanding, affections, 
and passions, equal to his dimensions — then might we 
talk of national glory,. as a thing valuahle and of im- 
portance to individual welfare. But certainly, if na- 
tional glory is but the honor and respect which nations 
pay to each other ; and not to be purchased but by the 
palpable misery of a large proportion of its constituents 
parts* — such glory is rather a curse than a blessing to 
mankind. 

CONQUEST. 

If we except those of France, since the revolution, 
there have been few conquests in Europe, for the last 
five hundred yeans. The successes of the French under 
Bonaparte, as yet, hardly deserve the name of con- 
quests. Their permanence in some measure depends 
on the life and fortunes of a single man. If the present 
emperor should, by any means, fail, or be removed, they 
would generally revert to their former state. A slight 
view of the geography of Europe will shew that it is 
favorable to the existence of small states ; and modern 
policy has erected a strong barrier against the ambition of 
heroes, and conquerors. Negotiations, treaties, and 
defensive alliances, have been carried to such a degree 
of perfection and to such an extent of refinement, that 
Europe has borne some resemblance to a society of in- 
dividuals, in which the strength of the whole is exerted 
for the protection of individuals. How happy for man 
was this system carried still farther, that nations would 
see it for their interest, not only to abolish conquest, but 
war — that they would be willing to settle their differ- 
ences in ;i grand court of justice, like the amphictyonic 
council. 

The moderns, how ever, have shewn as good an appetite 
forconquest. as the ancients; butnavehadthe precaution, 

■ It will Lm difficult to prove that thr happiness of individuals is 
I promoted by the entertainment of this phantom. 



OF EUROPE. 87 

in their own defence, to give origin and effect to a scheme 
of policy which renders it far more difficult. Italy has 
been several times nearly conquered within five hundred 
years, but soon recovered. France was nearly conquer- 
ed by Henry V, and Germany by Gustavus Adolphus : 
even Russia itself might have been overcome by Charles 
XII, if he had not been a madman. So, Sweden and 
Poland were nearly subdued by Margaret, the Seinkam- 
is of the north : and, indeed, there is scarcely a nation 
in Europe that has not been in danger of subjugation, but 
has escaped : and, exeept Poland, no one of any consid- 
erable note has been conquered in Europe for the last 300 
years. The conquest of the empire of Constantinople, 
by Mahomet the Great, is the last of any considerable 
importance, till the tornado of French republicanism 
arose. Where or when tliat will settle, is known only to 
Infinite Wisdom. 

Conquests generally, though not always, ruin the con- 
quered. If they are small, they cost the conquerors more 
than they are worth—if large they often ruin them. — 
Thus as we have said before, the conquest of Nineveh 
hastened the ruin of the Medes — that of Babylon, the 
Persians. The conquest of Persia corrupted the Greeks, 
as did that of Carthage the Romans. Should the French, 
under Bonaparte subdue all Europe, France, which now 
forms a complete empire, would then be only a part of 
one : the seat of government might be removed, and 
she would become but a satellite : Bonaparte's succes- 
sors might quarrel, and divide his dominions, as did those 
of Alexander ; and France might be liable to change 
masters and be fleeced from time to time by various com- 
petitors for empire. In her present boundaries, France 
bids much fairer for independence, happiness and dura- 
tion than if she were to conquer Europe. 

Eugland forms an exception to our rule. She rose 
more powerful, after being conquered by the Saxons,' the 
Danes, and the Normans. Whether the effect will be 
similar, should she fall under France we shall not pretend 
to say. There has been one eminent instance in Asia, in 
which both conquerors and conquered were equally ben- 
efitted. In 1644, the Tartars subdued China, and the 
descendants of Tamerlane ascended the throne of that 
ancient and mighty monarchy. The ferocious Tartars 



88 FRENCH REVOLUTION. 

id u ally declined, or were lostin the immense population 
( fJhii and, in effect became the conquered people, by 
E be customs, and conforming to the manners of 
t] hinese, I5y this great conquest, the Chinese, grown 
were strengthened, and rendered warlike; the 
Tartars were civilized and reduced to a settled form of 
■ocietj : perhaps both were equally benefitted, since, to- 
geti form the greatest aud most powerful monar- 

chy in the world. 

There ate several circumstances in the present state of 
Europe which are awfully portentous. Several of the 
primary powers have greatly declined in the course of 
the past century, particularly Spain, Germany and Tur- 
key, which in the reign of Charles V, held a command- 
ing eminence. Indeed with regard to Turkey some 
great change seems to be impending. It is indeed mor- 
tifying to see the finest parts of Europe, the ancient n 
sery of the arts and sciences, from age to age, in the pos- 
session of a gloomy, savage race, insensible to the beau- 
ties, and incapable of appreciating the advantage of their 
situation. 

They hold not only the great city of Constantinople, 
which has descended through the dark ages unimpaired, 
but, in general, all the remains of tine architecture in 
Greece and Asia Minor. Over all those classic groum 
held in such high veneration by the literary world, and 
from which, those who would wish to travel in quest of 
knowledge are in a great measure debarred, the Turkish 
standard is still waving. 

FRENCH REVOLUTION. 

The French revolution threatens more serious conse 
quences to Europe, than any since the fall of ancient 
Rome. It has utterly defeated every calculation and 
prediction excepting one. It was early foreseen and fore- 
told that it would injure, or rather would not help the 
cause of freedom. The torrents of innocent blood shed 
in that horrid scene, could never fertilize the soil of lib- 
berty and justice. Those sacred names were u 
watchword, to commence an onset of tragic horror, at the 
sight of which Domitian or Commodus would have re- 
lented. They have injured the cause of freedom, and 



FRENCH HEVOLUTION. 89 

they threaten to exterminate every principle of civil lib- 
erty. Where are all the republics of Europe? Where 
is Venice, who shielded Christendom from the Turks — 
who enriched Europe with her commerce? She survi- 
ved the league of Cambray, hut to experience a severe 
fate : she escaped the rock, and is lost in the whirlpool : 
she is subjugated, enslaved, ruined, and is uo more known 
among independent nations. 

Where is the once powerful and flourishing republic of 
Holland? Where the immense treasures of her bank, 
perhaps the richest in the world ? Where her powerful 
fleets, by which she was able to dispute the empire of 
the sea with Great Britain? Where her universal com- 
merce — her public credit — her importance, prosperity, 
and glory ? It avails her nothing that she could once re- 
sist the arms of Philip II, and Lewis XIV — that she 
has, by unparalleled industry, turned the most unpromis- 
ing spot in Europe into a garden. Her sun is set — her 
glory for ever fadeu, and she is humbled in the dust. 

Switzerland, situated among the rocks and declivities 
of the Alps, a prize utterly unworthy of a great conquer- 
or, is swallowed in the same gulf. The story of the 
brave and virtuous William Tell, must no longer be re- 
membered. The days of liberty, independence, honor, 
and virtue are past, and the Swiss cantons must, without 
complaint or remonstrance, submit to the mandates of a 
foreign master, or perish by fire and sword. 

The revolution in France has given the severest blow- 
to the cause of civil liberty that it ever received since the 
foundation of the world. By one tremendous shock it 
has annihilated most of the lesser powers of Europe ; 
and those which remain stand on doubtful ground. — 
Trace over the map of Europe, and see what it presents. 
Turkey is in her dotage ; but were it otherwise, she is the 
hereditary foe of all christian powers — by her condition 
perfectly unable, and equally unwilling by her principles, 
to benefit her christian neighbors. The Russians, under 
Count Romanzow, severely shook ber foundations ; and 
should the Gallic conqueror, point the thunder of his in- 
vading columns at her head, her triple crown would form 
but a feeble defence : she must fall. 

Poland has conquered herself. She managed her af- 
fair* so feebly, that her more powerful neighbors judged 

02 



90 FRENCH REVOLUTION. 

it incumbent on them to help her out of her difficulty 
:uh1. h\ their interference, to afford her that quiet which 
could not hope from her own en <l wisdom. 

They stepped in ami performed an act, which Solomon 
himself, il alive, must confess to be a new thing under 

sun, Thej dismembered, if we look merely at natu- 
ral advantages, one of the most powerful kingdoms in 
the world, and partitioned her off with nearly as little 
disturbance as they would an uninhabited, unappropria- 
ted forest or island. 

ItaU is i onqnered and provinciated. Germany in fact, 

lismembered: or, if that is saying too much, she is 
a huge, disjointed, unwieldy hody incapable of vigorous 
defence. She can place no confidence in her best armies 
Her government is without authority — tier officers are trai- 
tors, and her soldiers cowards. An hundred thousand 
of them will standstill in (heir places and suffer them- 
selves to he cut down. The millions of Germany, though 
naturally brave and warlike, will dee before the standard 
of Bonaparte, a- grasshoppers, in a mown meadow, be- 
fore the strides of a giant. It is time that Germany were 
conquered. When the army of any nation 01 can 

conduct itself like the army ^( Mack, that nation or state 
is unworthy of independence : it is fit for nothing but to 
he enslaved — to he made scullions of servants in the kit- 
chens of their conquerors. One vigorous campaign w ould 
nfficieht to enrol Germany with Holland and Italy. 

Sweden and Denmark, though so loudly warned* by 
the fate of Poland, their neighbor and ally, yet follow 
her example, and are far advanced in her path. The 
mo! to of their government should he pride and poverty, 
and that of their people ignorance and misery. They 

D scarcely maintain their independence, though let en- 
tirely alone. They cannot resist the arms, nor have they 
much to allure the avarice of a conqueror; which last 
consideration will probably he their shield. 

Russia, from her local situation cannot interfere effec- 
tually in the south of Europe. Her strength though 
great, i< like the vis inertia of nature. She has vast p«» 
ei of resistance, but is little disposed for a distant attack. 

Prussia has no longer the great Frederick at her hi ail 
Her short sighted policy and feeble councils will soon 
restore her to her former insignificance : nor will -she be 



FRENCH K EVOLUTION. 1)1 

thought worthy to hold the stirrup of the modern Caesar. 
In the present eventful struggle which threatens the 
liberties of Europe, the conduct of the Prussian cabinet 
is matter of admiration to a distant, impartial spectator. 
Does Prussia possess and feel that reciprocity ot condi- 
tion which will enable her to share, with France, the 
empire of Europe ? That surely is the language of her 
conduct. She might have given weight to a coalition, 
but, when standing alone, a single campaign will make 
her an inconsiderable province of France. 

Spain and Portugal are independent only in idea, and 
on paper. Their sovereignty is substantially vested in 
France. For a century past they have been but the effi- 
gies of kingdoms k they have a name to live, and are 
dead. In the last stages of a lingering but irrecovera- 
ble decline, theyexhibit one amongst many other proofs, 
that a nation may perish by far other means than those 
of war and conquest. 

The western shores of Europe, from the mouth of the 
Elbe to the straits of Gibraltar, are all under the power 
of France. From those straits her power extends to the 
south point of Italy — from thence to the head of the gulf 
of Venice, and from thence to the Rhine and Elbe ; 
comprehending Portugal, Spain, Italy, Switzerland, 
France, part of Germany, the Netherlands, and the 
states of Holland. All these powers, if not provinciated, 
are in a state of degradation, waiting, in trembling sus- 
pense, the uplifted blow which shall subjugate them for 
ever. 

The revolutionary parties in France, in quick suc- 
cession, have rushed on, impetuous as a whirlwind, from 
monarchy to anarchy — from anarchy to democracy — 
from democracy to oligarchy, and from thence to des- 
potism, which, of all forms of government, is probably 
the only one they are susceptible of, or can live under. 
They have already made more than one complete revo- 
lution. In the irresistible and mighty whirl of their 
affairs, they have brought to light a soldier of fortune, 
who unites the rapid genijus and grand views of Alex- 
ander to the ambition and good fortune of Julius Caesar. 
He has, even though not a Frenchman by nation, been 
able to curb, restrain, and direct the fury and pride of 
thirty millions of people, to fix a double bridle in the 



9~ FRE 10>*. 

jaws of mighty France. In the midst of flames, dai 
and dag he has founded and ascended an imperial 

throne, \> 1 1 i 1 v - thunders were bursting round his head 

1 volcanoes beneath hit feet lie now reigns irium- 
nl over conspiracies at home or coalitions abroad. 

lake the great heroes of antiquity, lie has infused his 
own invincible spirit into his armies, which wen almost 
to rise out of the earth at iUe stamp of his foot. Let not 
Frenchmen complain of Bonaparie 4 lie has done better 
for them than they could do for themselves, and has gn i 
them as good a government as they are capable of receiv- 
ing 

There is hut one power in Europe which can opj> 
any harrier to the crowning of his ambition : that is found 
in Great Britain. The British have been growing powerful 
by sea for several ages. Their power, on the ocean, li 
at length become greater than that of any other nation. 
They are masters of the whole world of waters : and, in 
a regular course of events, they must first he conquered 
by se. a, before they can be by land. At present the fleets 
of England are superior to all the fleets of Europe beside. 
But great revolutions despise regularity, and delight in 
surprising mankind with unforeseen events ; and, in the 
revolution we have been considering, events have taken 
place, which evince the weakness of calculation or conjec- 
ture, and warn us to he prepared for great and sudden 
changes. 

The eyes of Europe, nay, of all nations, are now turned 
towards France and England. If we regard the passions, 
the motives, the interests and views of the parties, we 
cannot say less than that the struggle, which has already 
been long and fierce, is extreme and tremendous. Its 

me, which involves great consequences, is still covered 
I ug the deep designs of the Almighty. 

To an eye accustomed to view, in the afTairs of nations, 
an overruling providence, the French emperor cannot he 
considered otherwise than as a special instrument of that 
proi ide nee the full designs of which no creature can fores< 
It is not improbable that one end of tli t revolution 

uish christian nations for their astonishing wicked- 
ness and ingratitude, under all their privileges, which 

[mined and trampled in the dust : and, of cou i 
that tliH wheel will continue to roll till those whom God 



FRENCH REVOLUTION'. 93 

has marked out as the objects of his anger shall be sifted 
out and driven away before the rough wind of his indig- 
nation. 

Infinite wisdom attaches less value and importance to 
states and empires than men do. To the All-seeing Eye, 
an empire is but a bubble ; even all the nations of men are 
but as the dust of the balance- — a thousand years are but 
as one day, and one day as a thousand years. That provi- 
dence, whose wheels are high aud dreadful, crushes, in a 
moment, the grandest of human institutions; whose foun- 
dations were deeply laid and strongly fortified : and 
whose superstructures have been rising and decorating 
for ages. 

To those who place confidence in the truth and reality of 
revealed religion, the present seems a moment of peril and 
alarm to the old national establishments of Europe, 
whether civil or ecclesiastical. It is their almost universal 
belief that the time cannot be far distant when the Sou of 
God is to put down all rule, and all authority and power, 
and set up his own kingdom throughout the world. Before 
this great event there must be changes and revolutions ; 
and the Almighty Redeemer shall, in his own time and 
way, show who is the blessed and only potentate, the 
King of kings and Lord of lords. 

Whatever may be the advantages and improvements of 
Europe, in its present state, (and they are many), we 
there see many reasons to deplore the folly — the de- 
pravity and the madness of our species. The life of 
man, when compared with endless duration, or even 
when viewed with relation to the important ends of his 
existence on earth, is very short. To see nations 
eagerly engaged in mutual destruction, laboring inces- 
santly to push their fellow creatures from the stage of 
action, is shocking beyond expression. Yet such seems 
to be the business of the principal powers of the most 
enlightened and civilized quarter of the globe. They 
surely are as forgetful of their duty and destiny, as they 
are mistaken in the pursuit of happiness. How ill pre- 
pared are they to go from the crimes and horrors of the 
bloody field, into the presence of their final judge? 

Is the tide of ruin and desolation never to cease ? Are 
the dark ages returning, with redoubled horror, upon 



M PHI iATK OK ASIA. 

■unkind—- or shall light and peace break forth like the 
sy.ii from behind a cloud? 

-t — 

;i:ul the I 

to the present, making one oi' thi 



CHAPTER XI. 

THE PRESENT STATE OF Abl 

THE people of Asia may be considered under seven 
grand divisions. The Russians possess the northern. 
the Chinese the eastern, the Indians the southeastern, 
the Persians the southern, the Arabians the south- 
western, the Turks the western, and the Tartars the 
central regions of this great division of the globe. Our 
view of Asia, though very brief, will be twofold. AVe 
shall first direct the eve of the reader to these grand 
divisions separately, with an intention to notice some of 
the peculiarities of each ; and, secondly, we shall 
notice certain things in which they all agree, and shall 
close with remarks applicable to the whole. 

I. RUSSIA IX ASIA. 

Few governments in the world are more despotic than 
that of Russia : and, for the last hundred years, that 
government has generally been in hands which managed 
its proper machinery with incredible skill and energy. 
From Petersburgh, the royal residence, situated at the 
head of the gulf of Finland, this empire extends i 
ward to the amazing distance of several thousand miles, 
to the eastern ocean, or seaof Kamschatka. Y'et, over 
so considerable a portion of tin- globe, the imperial 
mandate* are spread with astonishing celerity, and are 
obeyed without murmurs or del 

TheRi of Asia are of a more mild and amiable 

character than those of Europe. Their numerous tribes 
live in pleasant countries : their towns and villages bi 
situated in extensive plains, and on the banks of noble 



RUSSIA IN ASIA. 93 

and majestic rivers. It is said there is scarce a bill of 
any considerable size from Petersburgh to Pekin ; and 
through those vast plains many rivers meander in various 
directions. Some late geographers say there are no less 
than eight rivers which run a course of two thousand 
miles. But the north of Asia, like that of Europe, still 
abounds in forests, many of which are of very great 
extent. 

The people in those extensive countries are yet in a 
barbarous state, not very many degrees in advance of the 
savage. They have no point of union, nor combination, 
but what is found in the powerful arm of government. 
They speak many languages, and are of many different 
religions ; for although the christian religion and the 
Greek church are established in the empire, yet most of 
the remote provinces are still pagans, or, indeed, have 
no settled notions of the Deity, or forms of worship. 

But notwithstanding many gloomy and forbidding cir- 
cumstances in the condition of the Russian empire, it is 
probably improving faster than any other part of Asia; 
or, to speak more properly* it is improving in some small 
degree, which can scarcely be said of any other part of 
that quarter of the globe. The people are becoming 
more agricultural — a regular commerce begins to awaken 
a spirit of enterprise — civility gains ground — the arts 
and sciences are spreading their benign influence in some 
very remote provinces. The great Catherine erected 
schools, and opened several missions in the provinces 
bordering on Kamschatka, and offered adequate en- 
couragement to emigrants disposed to settle in those 
countries. 

The vast plains of Russia facilitate land carriage, and 
her numerous large rivers render easy the transportation 
of their various commodities from one country and region 
to another. 

As early as the tenth century, the Russians make 
some inconsiderable appearance in the histories of Eu- 
rope. The capital of the empire is Moscow. There 
every monarch must be crowned before he can be ac- 
knowledged sovereign of all the Russias. But the em- 
pire was in a state of the utmost barbarity before the 
reign of Peter the Great. No monarch of modern times, 
or, perhaps, of any age or nation, ever did more for his 



!K> IUTSS1A IN ASIA. 

empire than Peter tlicl for his. He condensed the re- 
es of a multitude of tribes — lie combined their 
strength in a regular plan of government — he put a stop 
to their incessant wars among themselves — lie exter- 
minated innumerable banditti of robbers, which inf< 
and fearlessly ravaged all those countrie — be built 
cities, removed forests, caused the earth to be cultivated, 
settled the inhabitants of his empire infixed places, and 
reclaimed them from the roving life and precarious sub- 
sistence of the Tartars. 

Peter did more than all this. He did not encourage 
merely, but he originated the arts and sciences among 
his people. He built a city which, in less than a century, 
merited a place in the first rank of cities. To that city, 
he invited, from all parts of the world, the most able 
mechanics, and the most elegant artists, whom he en- 
couraged with royal munificence. Not contented with a 
most powerful land force ; he determined to be known 
on the watery element. With this view he became a 
ship carpenter, and worked with his own hands in the 
shipyard: he studied the art of navigation, and practi- 
sed it — he surveyed the shores and coasts of the Caspian 
sea, and drew, with his own hands, an elegant chart, 
which he presented to the museum at Paris : in short, he 
raised his empire to the first rank among the powers of 
the world. 

There is something singular in the military character 
of the Russians. They are remarkable for passive va- 
lor. It is said they will endure the greatest fatigues and 
sufferings with patience and calmness. They will re- 
sist better than make an onset, though it is certain thai 
very few nations in the world produce better soldiers 
than the Russian. They have had several considerable, 
with the Turks and Persians, over both of whom 
they have gained great advantages. It has been thought 
they would expel the Turks out of Europe, and put a 
period to the Ottoman empire. Count Romanzow, in the 
reign of the great Catherine, defeated them in a series 
of battles — carried terror and conquest almost to the 
heart of the empire, and filled the world with the i 
of his victoi 



TURKEY IN ASIA. 97 

II. TURKS IN ASIA. 

i 

We have already noticed the history of the Turks ; 
but, in this place, it wilt be proper to regard them, a 
moment, as an Asiatic power : and, in so doing, we 
cannot avoid the reflection, how different the people, in 
the east have fared from those in the west of Asia. In 
the east, the empire of China, like a majestic luminary, 
has shone in glory uneclipsed and unrivalled for 3000 
years. In the west, the Assyrians, the Persians, the 
Greeks, the Romans, the Goths, the Saracens, and at 
last, the Turks have driven the ploughshare of destruc- 
tion over the fairest provinces of the earth. To an eye 
or to a mind that can contemplate 3000 years as we can 
a day, the people in the west of Asia must have appear- 
ed like a nest of serpents, incessantly striving to destroy 
one another : but the simile utterly fails ; for a nest of 
serpents, a den of tygers, the gloomy haunts where the 
deadliest mousters and dragons meet in concourse, are 
scenes of peace and friendship in comparison with those 
wretched countries. 

After the wars of the Saracens and crusaders had' 
spent their rage in western Asia, the Turks, like an 
eruption of furies from the bottomless pit, overrun those 
countries. They established four independent king- 
doms, whose capitals were Iconium, Bagdad, Aleppo, 
and Jerusalem. These institutions perished, after a 
while, in the furnace of their own vices ; and, from their 
ashes, the Ottoman Turks, about the beginning of the 
13th century, arose, to complete the wretchedness of 
Western Asia, in which their territories were much the 
same as those of the Romans. 

The remnant of the ancient inhabitants of those once 
flourishing countries are now miserable beyond the 
powers of description. It will suffice to say that they 
have no security of property or life. The petty tyrants, 
to whom the grand seignior commits the governments of 
those provinces, exercise their vices and villainies with- 
out remorse and without restraint. In Thompson's and 
Volney's travels through Syria and Palestine, the char- 
acter and condition of these wretched beings are fully 
described. 

P 2 



98 TURKEY IN AblA. 

Tlio Turks themselves are not a whit better off than 
the other inhabitants. They are equally subjected to a 

barbarous tyranny, liable to similar extortion and in- 
justice, ttiey have nothing they ran call their own — no 
t — no property — no security. They aie liable to 
irdered at midnight by unknown messengers, and for 
unknown crimes : may be strangled at mid-day, 

in the midst of their friends and families, without any 
consciousness of guilt — without any form of trial: even 
without a subsequent reasons assigned. 

•? Mys one of the above writers. " reigi 

round their habitations." All is fear, concealment, me- 
lancholy, and distrust : they are forced to conceal their 
food . meut — they dare not make any show of 

opulence : for the possession of wealth would work their 
ruin. 

The Turks, considered in all the various traits of their 
character, are probably the most unlovely of all nations. 
Their character is dark, unsocial, jealous, cruel, and 
tastly, in its tranquil state. They are strongly addicted 
to the rough and violent passions; and when roused, 
their rage is vindictive, deadly, and horrid beyond ex- 
pression. 

The christians of Asia are generally in Turkey. 

Their state is truly deplorable. They are literally 

trampled in the dust, and the vilest of mortals reign and 

triumph over them. They have but a name to live and 

are dead. They generally subscribe to the tenets, or 

superstitions of the Greek church — hut nave 

departed far from the standard of truth — and their dis- 

n the purity and simplicity of the gospel is 

uense. It is to be feared that they retain little more 

than the name of Christianity. 

The provinces of Turkey in Asia exhibit a melancholy 
of the Me nature of all human aflat; 

\ observer, that the most flourish- 

leeay and perish foi Those 

co:: ice rich, powerful, and happy. They 

with a mild and genial climate — they en 

: prosperity — they were among the mosl 

• I and wise of the hi race: but how 

tell of their advantae bad 

ivernmenl could not destroy, n<>r a barbarous people 



ARABIA. 99 

annihilate, have become useless, or are altogether un- 
known. Their fertile fields have lain so long unculti- 
vated that their fruitfulness is forgotten. Their line 
harbors are visited by few sails except those of foreigners. 
The ruins of their ancient cities and temples arc stupen- 
dous proofs of the opulence and glory of former ages, and 
of the degeneracy and wretchedness of the present times. 

If the Turkish power, in Europe, is on the decline, 
which is not to be doubted, it is much more so in Asia.) 
The connexion between the parts of that extensive em- 
pire is growing more feeble, and evidently declines with 
the energy of government; a disease natural to great 
empires, whose distant provinces, if powerful and re- 
bellious, will bring more expence than profit to their 
masters — and, if weak and defenceless, will certainly 
not be worth defending. 

The government of the Turkish empire bears some 
faint resemblance, to the feudal system ; but, in one im- 
portant respect, perhaps more to that of the ancient Ro- 
mansc The revenues of the provinces seem, some how, 
to be farmed out. Each bashaw, or superior lord, un- 
dertakes to pay such a sum annually into the public 
treasury : and he has a province, district, or city allotted 
him, on which he is to levy that sum ; and, in fact, as 
much more as his ingenious and merciless avarice can 
lay hold of. If the province is large, this bashaw or 
bey commonly parcels it out, in the same manner, to his 
vassals. Every species of oppression and injustice — of 
cruelty and extortion is practised — and has been, for so 
long a time, that the whole country is completely ruined, 
and, though naturally rich, has become one of the poor- 
est in the world. By these means, the Turkish empire 
is fast declining, and, by one vigorous effort of some 
neighboring power, might be overthrown. Thirty years 
ago, it was thought the Russians would accomplish it, 
It is now laid out as a part of the future task of the 
modern Caesar. 

III. ARABIANS. 

We have already taken some notice of the origin and 
general history of the Arabians. A remarkable circum- 
stance respecting themis ; that they have never been con- 



100 Ah 

qtiered. For that, however, t\>o very natural reasons 
:.ied : fust, they ha\ e never possessed much, 
ii win worth conquering, or could allure a conquer; 
md secondly, the situation of their country is emi- 
neutij secure fromii o, especially considering their 

if defence. Their country, which is upwards of 
a thousand miles square, lot ins exactly the southwest 
. as Spain does of Europe ; and is commonly 
divided into three parts, viz. Arabia Petrata, Arabia 
Deserra, and Arabia Felix. Arabia Felix, or the I lap 
])v. is sai.l to be one of the most delightful regions upon 
earth. The truth is, these fUuHerjng accounts arc more 
lently taken from legendary labs, than from real 
facts. In such parts of Arabia as are well watered, 
vegetation is, indeed, luxuriant beyond conception; and 
some of the most valuable odours and choice perfumes 
are the produce of that country. The people generally 
live in tents, and, of course, their manner of life is 
roving, like that of the Tartars and Scythians. Obtain- 
ing I precarious subsistence with little labor, they are 
addicted to every species of theft. They will receive 
you with kindness — entertain you with the utmost hos- 
pitality — divide with you their last loaf, and then in- 
crease their store by stealing from you all that you have. 
They seem to prefer not to take life, but, on an emer- 
gency they will rob and murder. 

Arabia has been governed, at times, by powerful men- 
arch*, who have brought great and very effective armies 
into the Held ; and various atfemps have been made to sub- 
due and explore that country by their powerful neigh- 
bours. Arabia Felix is, indeed. & sequestered country. It 
is skirted round on all sides by seas and sandy deserts ; 
and the nature of the country and the modes of fighting 
practised by the krahs, have rendered it difficult and 
rous of access : and it has been regarded as a kind 
of mysterious and forbidden ground. 

The last attempt to conquer this country was made by 
the Turks commanded, if we mistake not, by Amu rath 
11, aboul the year H(>8. The haughty Turk, at the head 
of a great army, flushed with continual victory, advaneed 
into Arabia, determined to rend the veil which had lone 
red that country, and to know what was in it, and 
whether it was worth conqeiing. As he advanced to- 



PERSIA. 101 

wards the interior of the country, a herald, on horseback, 
met him, and warned him to retire, telling him that though 
the Arabians had no war with the Turks, yet, if he ad- 
vanced farther, he would have reason to repent of his te- 
merity. The sultan treated the message with contempt, 
and pushed forward at the head of his army. At length 
there was perceived a cloud of dust arising, and before the 
cause of it could be well discovered, his army was attack- 
ed by a formidable column of 40,000 horse. Their ap- 
proach was like a whirlwind ; and the Turks, already, 
wearied with wading in the sand, were blinded and 
suffocated with dust, and were cut in pieces without 
much resistance. The sultan mounted on a fleet horse, 
had the good fortune to make his escape, with a few of 
bis guards, and recover his own dominions, and being 
fully satisfied with one attempt upon Arabia, he chose 
rather to sustain his disgrace, than retrieve his honor by 
hazarding a second.) 

The Arabian horses are famous for strength and 
swiftness ; and the men of that country are excellent 
horsemen. So great is their dexterity, that it is said 
they will throw forward their lances and recover them 
from the ground while on full speed. Their mode of 
fighting is extremely desultory, and their military tactics 
peculiar to themselves : yet their attack is fierce and ter- 
rible, and can only be resisted by the most disciplined 
valour. 

The Arabic language is soft, liquid, and harmonious, 
by reason of an uncommon prevalence of vowel sounds. 
Notwithstanding the singular character of this 'people 
they have not been destitute of science. During the dark 
ages, the Saracens were, perhaps, the most scientific peo- 
ple in the world. They introduced learning into Europe. 
Several of the sciences they improved; and they justly 
claim the honor of being the inventors of algebra. In 
arithmetic we follow them generally, and especially in 
the use of their numerical characters. 

It is both difficult and dangerous for Europians to 
travel in that country. \ The hardships and perils to which 
they must be exposed, are very great — of course the 
present state of the country cannot be very well known. 
We shall close on this article with remarking how won- 
derfully fitted mankind are to sustain the inconveniences 



102 fl.WSlA. 

of all climates. The Bedouine Arabs, in large collec 
lordes, at certain seasons of the year, will vi^it 

ea pints and commercial cities, for the purpose 
of bartering their commodities, and procuring Bach arti- 

ai they need. When this is done, they plunge agaki 
into the i- ftgioni of their native deserts, where 

spend the year. But how they live, or what they 

*l upon, dial Being only knows, who clothes the 
with mass, and feeds the young ravens when they 
cry. 

IV. PERSIANS. 

The Persians alone, of the ancient empires in the weed 
of Asia, have preserved and perpetuated their existence 
independent nation.* They were, indeed, subdu- 
ed by Alexander, but that conquest, at last, terminated in 
the overthrow of the Greeks themselves. The Persians 
:ie surprisiugly renovated, and were able, on the 
decline of the Greeks, to resist the arms of Rome, as 
well as those of the Scythians, Saracens, Turks and 
Russians. In the year of Christ, i730, the celebrated 
Thamas Kouli Khan ascended the Persian throne, and 
was one of the most powerful mouarchs of his time. He 
invaded India — took Delhi, and returned to his own do- 
minions, loaded with immense riches. No power baffled 
and defeated the Turks oftener than the Persians did ; 
and Emir Hamzi, the famous Persian, was doubt] 
the greatest warrior in Asia during his time. Had he 
not been cruelly murdered, as was supposed, by the or- 
of his unnatural father, he would probably have put 
a final stop to the progress of the Turkish arms. 

The Persians, as a nation, are brave, polite civil, and 
courteous to sti angers ; but extremely ostentatious, vain- 
glorious, and proud. Their country, like Arabia, can 
pleasant and delightful places. All 
in raptures of the richness, luxuriance, 
and pleasantness of the vale of Shirans : but, in gene- 
ively dry, having few rivers, brooks, 
rings of water. It is no easy matter to conceive how 

i hardly 1 a political body, con« 



ARABIA. 108 

the inhabitants obtain a sufficiency of water for necessary 
uses. They seldom have rain, and no country has a 
more arid atmosphere. 

In very northern climates, dire necessity compels man- 
kind to continual labor, to avoid perishing with cold and 
hunger. In the middle countries of the temperate zone, 
industry is partly necessary to subsistence ; but it is of- 
tener prompted by honor and ambition. But as we ap- 
proach the torrid zone the earth produces more sponta- 
neously ; where it is fruitful it is abundantly so, and thg 
people are able to live with little exertion. It is impos- 
sible that the inhabitants of hot climates, as for instance^ 
of Arabia and Persia, should exercise the laborious in- 
dustry of England and Holland : and, of course, they 
are provided for without. It is however worthy of re- 
mark, and of gratitude to Providence, that in very hot 
climates, great industry is rewarded with great profit and 
advantage ; as in the cases of ancient Carthage and 
Egypt. If the people of southern climates, adapting 
their labors to the nature of their countries, would prac- 
tise the industry of the north, empire, independence, 
and glory would soon return to those countries they have 
long forsaken ; and would certainly give a preference to 
their ancient seats. 

To form a just estimate of any nation, it is necessary 
to look carefully into their internal as well as external 
state. Our views of the people of Asia, in these res- 
pects, must be imperfect and superficial at best. There 
is but little intercourse between the Persians and any na- 
tion of Europe. The wide difference in language, man- 
ners, religion, and government, sets bars between them 
very difficult to pass. We cannot but believe that the con- 
dition of the great body of the people in Persia is very 
miserable. The superstition, absurdities, and even vices 
of their religion are extremeJ Their government is cruel, 
capricious, and arbitrary. Many things are there sanc- 
tioned by custom, which in any part of Europe, would 
fill mankind with horror and rage, if we except Turkey : 
and even the Turkish government is less despotic than the 
Persian. 

People of fashion in this country are graceful in their 
persons ; and though their complexion is somewhat dark- 
er than that of the European nations, yet their countena^- 



104 rABTAftl 

at, rather Roman than Grecian, are expressive, and of- 
ten displaj the most delicate lines of beauty. But tht 
common people, who arc much exposed to the sun, are 
considerably swarthy. 

The Persians have neither greatly excelled, nor been 
greatly deficient i:i literature. The late justly celebrated 
Sir William Jones, the most skilful in Asiatic learning 
of any European of modern times, has given some ele- 
gaut specimens of Persian poetry in English translation. 
They can, however, boast of no very great writers, either 
in poetry or prose. Notwithstanding all their attain- 
ments, they must be considered in the light of barbarians : 
and it is difficult to say whether they are now emerging 
from, or sinking deeper in ignorance and barbarity. 

V. TARTARY. 

The boundaries of Tartary have never been ascertained. 
The central regions of Asia, from time immemorial, have 
been inhabited by numerous tribes of roving people. — 
They have rarely been combined under one head, al- 
though that event is supposed to have taken place in the 
1 3th century, under the reign of G henghis Khan, and again 
in the 15th, under Tamerlane. These people were an- 
ciently called Scythians. Their character has been surpri- 
singly uniform in all ages. During the time of the font 
great monarchies, whose history has been sketched in the 
fust volume of this work, they were but too well known 
by their formidable irruptions into the civilized provinces 
of Asia and Europe; the first of which was in the reign 
of Oyaxares I, king of Media. 

Our best geographers state very little with certainty 
concerning the vast countries of Tartary. Travelling in 
those countries is difficult and dangerous ; and the nature 
of the intercourse kept op with them, by their more ci- 
vilized neighbors, i> not such as to draw very satisfacto- 
ry intelligence from them. They may be regarded as 
fruitful soureesofregret and sorrow. From various circum- 
stances and known facts, it is not to he doubted that the mid- 
dle parts of isia equal in richness and fertility, and espe- 
• lly in pleasantness and beauty, any part of that conti- 
nent; Though vastly distant from the ocean, the coun- 
tries are well watered and extend almost the width of the 



INDIA. 105 

temperate zone. They have numerous lakes, where 
numberless rivers and rivulets discharge their Maters. 
There majestic rivers meander slowly through delightful 
and extensive plains. The verdure of an almost perpetual 
spring clothes their banks in perennial bloom and sweet- 
ness. Yet those fair scenes seem formed only to be seen 
by the eye of savages, never to be enriched by handsome 
villages and flourishing cities ; or made the charming 
abodes ot science, virtue, order and humanity. 

The Tartars, though not entire savages, are but little 
better. They are very slovenly in their persons and 
dress, and have no notion of cleanliness, taste or order 
in their habitations, i Their property consists chiefly in 
horses and cattle, of which some of them possess a great 
number/; Their title to land is mere occupancy. When 
they have consumed the pastures of a particular place, 
they remove to some other. They claim no title to any 
place but what they possess for the time being. In some 
places, however, they have habitations more settled, and 
do even live in cities. 

They seem to have no regular or consistent notions of 
religion or government. They commonly profess sub- 
jection to some chieftain and in time of war, or upon an 
excursion for rapine, follow his standard ; but, as to the 
nature of their civil government, or whether they have 
any, properly speakiug, we are not prepared to say. — 
They certainly have ideas of a distinction between right 
and wrong, on which they found certain maxims, re- 
sembling a code of morality ; but their penal code differs 
little from an indefinite rule of personal retaliation. 

There seems to be no prospect of their improving in 
either of the three important articles of religion, go- 
vernment, or civilization/) We think ourselves warranted 
in saying that they have not improved for the last two 
thousand years, in either of these respects. 

VI. INDIA. 

The river Indus gives name to nearly one quarter ot 
the surface of the terraqueous globe. One of the great 
oceans — half the islands in the world — nearly a quarter 
of the continent of Asia, and all the original inhabitants 
of the new continent are called after it. The country of 

Q2 



ion i a. 

India forms llir south part of A Russia docs the 

north. .North of it lies Taring — east and south the 
Pacific and Indian oceans, and wesl lhcempire of Persia. 
The wealth of India lias, in cverj age, been even 
proverbial. So great is the fame of its wealth, that 
when we hear its name pronounced we immediately think 
of a land of wealth. The riches of India consist in the 
natural fertility of the soil, which is heightened and per- 
fected by the best climates — the advantages of commerce 
and navigation — the greatest plenty of all the necessar- 
ies, conveniences, and luxuries of life — rich mines — an 
abundance of gold, silver, and jewels: and a race of 
people who seem to be naturally virtuous, honest, pacific, 
ingenious, industrious, somewhat enterprising, and im- 
mensely numerous. In the course of their commerce, 
they are not fond of receiving the commodities of other 
nations in exchange for their own ; they never pay 
money, nor make war upon other nations. 

Exclusive of the internal trade of India, that country 
has, from the earliest ages, carried on two great branches 
of foreign commerce ; one by land and the other by 
As from that country every thing valuable, beautiful, 
rich, or useful was to be obtained, all commercial na- 
tions sought an interest in its trade. The Chinese, the 
Tartars, Persians, Arabians, Syrians, and Egyptians, 
traded with them by land ; and the numberless commo- 
dities of India were transported by numerous caravans, 
on the backs of camels, dromedaries, mules, and horses, 
to very distant nations. The wealth and glory of many 
ancient cities of Asia rose from this trade; of which the 
splendid and magnificent city of Palmyra was once the 
grand marl and emporium. This city, situated between 
Arabia and Syria, bordering on the deserts, was once 
the deposit of the wealth of the east, from whence it was 
il dispersed through numerous channels to the west 
\sia, to Europe, and Africa. This city, far more 
splendid, bul less warlike than Home itself, flourished 
lor ages, and was at length destroyed by the emperor 
Aurelian. Its last monarch was the illustrious but mi- 
mate queen Zenobia, whose counsels were die d 
bj the celebrated Longtnus, as already noticed, one of 
r lumiuaries of Grecian literature. 



INDIA. 107 

The Phoenicians, Carthaginians, Greeks, Sicilians, 
and Romans, and, in later times, the Italians and 
inany other powers of Europe, have pursued the Indian 
trade by sea. Till the Portuguese had doubled the Cape 
of Good Hope, the common voyage to India was from 
the ports of the Red Sea, through the straits of Babel - 
mandel, and across the Indian ocean. The majestic 
ruins of Palmyra demonstrate the former greatness of her 
t wealth and commercial importance : indeed the same re- 
mark applies to the great cities of Egypt — to Tyre, 
Sidon, &c. 

At present the naval commerce of India is almost en- 
grossed by Great Britain, whose subjects, tributaries, or 
allies, extending far up the river Ganges, are said to 
comprehend some of the fairest and richest parts of 
India. The British trade to India has become the most 
lucrative, important, and dignified system of commerce 
ever carried on. It cannot, indeed, be viewed without 
astonishment. The English people, by means of the 
South Sea and India companies, are able almost to com- 
mand the wealth and credit of the globe. 

The interior parts of India, especially beyond the 
Ganges, are but little known. It is a very great country, 
and somewhat more mountainous than the more northerly 
parts of Asia. The people of India, regarding the 
whole section of Asia called by their name, are proba- 
bly among the most mild and pacific of all the human 
race. They never have been famous for war in any age. 
They have doubtless had wars, both foreign and do 
mestic, and perhaps several which we have no know- 
ledge of: they have several times been invaded, in 
different ages of the world, as it is said, by Sesostris, 
Semiramis, Cyrus, Alexander, Ghenghis Khan, Tamer- 
lane, and, of late, by the Persians, under Thamas 
Kouli Khan. But the English invasion of India will be 
attended with the most serious consequences to that 
country ; and it is feared, with little good. Their con- 
quests comprehend nearly as great a territory and as 
many people as they possess in Europe. But if those 
conquests have increased the power of Great Britain they 
have produced a contrary effect on the unhappy Indians. 
They have quite altered the face of things in that couu- 
try. The name of Hastings will descend to posterity 



INDIA. 

blackened w ith in<lcl il>li» guilt and infamy : and it would 
be v. oil for the English people if 1! i wore the 

only man who has been guilty of exercising cruelty, 
rtiun, and outrage upon the defenceless Indians. 
Has ifter remaining long enough in power, in 

India, to amass . princely fortune — after practising the 

i horrid, outrageou • cruelty . and 
can blacken and deform the human character, returned, 
in triumph, to his native country, t»» cnj< the 

ills of ini . and to riot in luxury on the fruits of 

extortion, A feinl was made towards bri him to 

iiee : hut wh ihe issu z an 

infamous death for worthy of eternal perdition, 

his wealth enabled him to set justice at defiance — his 
infinite turpitude was gilded over with a title of nobility, 
he became lord Hastings. 
The English conquests in India will probably be 
• led with disastrous consequences to that country. 
The Indians will directly lose all motives to industry : 
and, in addition to their own constitutional and national 
vii •> will learn those of their cruel conquerors and 

unjust oppressors. Industry and enterprise can only 
hand in hand with liberty and justice. Those peop 
finding themselves oppressed, insulted, crushed, and 
for ever abandoned to hopeless slavery and misery, will 
.'Mjp alias lost — will become utterly i<- o them 

and others, and regard death as the only aiter- 
tive of hope. The country will grow miserable and 
and will follow the footstep* of Carthage, of 
Egypt, and of all western Asia. Trade will gradually 
fall, a id the wealth and abundance of those countries 

oi history. Should they clian 

would still ->hould Great 

n fail, even independence might re-visit India too 

What a aid Egypt or Syria reap from 

the fall -h empire? Nothing low 

wheel oi re immedi- 

aighty power, ci un- 

ha] Before any probable or natural course 

;o what it once 
; of the earth itself will be 
compb i the wheels of nat -e to move. 



CHINA. 109 

The Indian character and temper seem very mild and 
placid ; yet no nation are more inveterate or more obsti- 
nate in their religious prejudices. With them religion is, 
properly speaking, the property and business of a parti- 
cular class or set of people. The rest neither know, nor 
are allowed to know or care any thing about it. They 
have certain notions of Deity, of futurity, and of virtue 
and vice. The people at large are required to perform a 
certain rotine of duties, consisting chiefly in useless 
formalities, and unmeaning or ridiculous ceremonies : 
but as to the great business of intercourse with, or know- 
ledge of the Deity, it is wrapped in mystery, and be- 
longs to the priests or bramins. 

The immense country of India, from the river Indus 
to the eastern ocean, was probably never united under 
one government. Its present state is not clearly known 
to the best of our geographers. Monarchy is the only 
kind of government existing in any part of Asia; but. 
in India, it seems to be of a less fierce, cruel, and des 
potic nature than it is in the west. The most predomi- 
nant crime among the Hindoos is said to be suicide. — 
They have little fear of futurity, and are impatient of 
present evils : they therefore take, as they suppose, the 
directest way to get rid of them. 

When shall they become free, enlightened, and hap- 
py? As far as we know, they rather degenerate than 
improve. In the time of Cyrus the Great, they were 
more enterprising, and probably far more powerful than 
they now are. Under the command of Porus they made 
a formidable resistance to the conquering arms of Alex- 
ander : but now three or four British regiments will 
strike terror through India — subdue their most powerful 
princes, and levy contributions on their most opule!r 
provinces. 

VII. CHINA. 

The Chinese are truly a wonderful people, and China, 
in various respects, is the most extraordinary empire that 
ever existed. Whether we regard length of duration, 
number of inhabitants, their uniformity, steady cecono- 
my, and amazing iudustry. the world has never furnish- 
ed a paralled to China. 



110 CHINA. 

According to the best accounts which can be obtained 
on tbe subject, China has been a great and flourishing 
empire nearly .3,900 years. She has held one sh 
and dignified course, while the nations in the w < - 
Asia and Europe have been fluctuating like waves, and 
expiring like meteors in a troubled sky. 

The accounts given of the population of China, though 
seemingly credible, are perfectly astonishing. There 
are said to be above three hundred millions of people in 
that empire — of course more than one third of the in- 
habitants of the whole globe. But China p< 
every advantage necessary to sustain a great population. 
Nearly as large as half of Europe, her territories lie in 
the pleasantest part of the temperate zone, and abound 
in many of the most useful productions of the earth. 
China produces whatever might be expected from an ex- 
cellent soil in the highest stale of cultivation. Such is 
the unparalleled industry and diligence of this people, 
that their country, though more than 1200 miles square, 
is all under the most advantageous improvement. They 
suller no land to lie waste. Their steep side-hills and 
mountains, even to their summits, are tilled with as 
much care as we till our gardens. The very mild winters 
which prevail in tbe middle and southern parts, render 
their subsistence attainable with far less labor and ex- 
pence. They have no need that their country should be 
half covered with forest to supply them with find. 

The Chiuese subsist more on farinaceous food than the 
Europeans. Their country produces vast quantities of 
rice, which forms the chief article of their diet, and is a 
most nutritive and agreeable kind of food. Regularity 
of life, industry, subordination, and a particular cast of 
genius, form the discriminating traits in the Chinese 
character. In many nations, and especially iu Europe, 
there is a certain unevennessof mind — an instability and 
eccentricity of character, which renders mankind fickle, 
rash, volatile, and often perfidious. The Chinese have 
of this than any other nation. Their habits, customs, 
and modes of life are laid on such solid foundations, and 
have, fur an uninterrupted course of nearly forty ceutu- 
fies, acquired a maturity and permanence which will be 
ken up only with their empire 



CHINA. Hi 

Europeans who have seen the interior parts of China, 
are astonished with the marks of their industry, which 
appear in every thing that strikes the eye. The vast- 
ness of their cities — their highways — their bridges of 
amazing form and construction, and especially their 
canals, exceed those of all nations. The country is 
peculiarly favorable for canals, and it is intersected and 
cut into almost numberless islands, by those beautiful, 
artificial rivers. Many of their vessels are a kind of 
floating houses which can carry sail, in which families 
live, are brought up, and transact all their business : 
and as many people live on the water as on the land. 

The face of their country is formed by spacious 
plains, and regular hills, with some mountains. The 
suburbs of their great cities are formed by large and 
populous villages, and their villages, overspread all the 
country ; so that you scarcely know what is city and 
what is country. The country at large resembles an un- 
bounded continuity of flourishing towns and villages. 
Their style of building is not very superb ; yet, in the 
article of house painting, no nation equals them. Their 
houses are covered with paint which appears like varnish 
or japan work, which gives them a glossy brightness, 
and will resist the sun and the weather. The internal 
structure of their houses is far inferior to those of our 
own country. But there are certain evils which, at 
times, result from their immense population. In spite of 
all their industry they are considerably liable to a 
scarcity of provision. 

The people of China arc divided into various orders, 
among which an invariable, absolute subordination 
reigns. These classes know, perfectly well, their rank, 
their privileges, and their duties. They seldom inter- 
fere with one another ; nor does any person rise to a 
higher rank, unless it is by some uncommon occurrence. 
The various orders of people are distinguished by the 
color and fashion of their dress ; and what is very re- 
markable, the dress of all ranks and orders is regulated 
by law. 

The Chinese monarchy, though absolute, seems to be 
the mildest, and perhaps is the wisest in the world. It 
is in a great measure patriarchal. The sovereign is re- 
garded as the father of his people: he consults their in- 



terest, endeavors to promote their happiness ; aud they, 
Idom resist his will. The government is 
extremely jealous of the powers of Europe: and with 
great reason. The late English embassy, conducted by 
!<u*d Macartney, proved utterly useless. Tfie emperor 
of China, after having graciously received, and for a 
while entertained the English embassador, gave him a 
kind of tablet, on which was written certain moral and 
civil maxims of advice respecting the conduct of kins 
and desired him to present it to his master, the king of 
England, as a token of his friendship. 

The Chinese despise the idea of receiving improve 
menls from other nations, and especially from Europe. En 
religion, government, art, and science, they adhere firm- 
ly to tiieir ancient customs and maxims. Their religion 
is a mixture of superstition, idolatry, and certain moral 
maxims and rules drawn from the institutions of Con- 
fuel us, their ancient law-giver. 

The conduct of the Jesuits and other Romish mission- 
aries was the cause of closing and barring the doors of 
linst all christian nations. They were found to 
ring with the government and internal policy of 
that country, and of course were for ever debarred all 
intercourse. That was a most unfortunate event, as it 
fixed in the minds of the Chinese a prejudice not soon to 
; ie wiped away. 

VIII. ASIA IN GENERAL. 

1. It is time we dismiss the consideration of partic- 

. and take a more general view of this noble aud 

important quarter of the earth. The almighty Cr< 

and Governor of the world has distinguished and dignified 

Asia above the other grand divisions of the globe, in va- 

speci ;. \ grand progenitors of the human 

in to people and replenish the earth. Here the 

diffused their fragrance and 

die first empires were 

first princip J order and civil 

From this as from a 

imilies of ti i were spread 

abroad,;; t nations and kingdoms. Here (he 

mighty w redemption was accomplished, by the 



ASIA. 113 

incarnation and death of the Son of God, to bring about 
which was the ultimate design of creation and Provi- 
dence: and here was first set up that kingdom which was 
to endure throughout all generations, and which was final- 
ly to fill the earth with its glory. 

2. As Asia is the largest of the grand division of the 
globe, so it, in general, possesses the most excellent soil, 
and.the fairest and most regular climates. It produces, ac- 
cordingly, every thing useful, valuable, rich and beautiful. 
The most important and usefol kinds of grain — all the 
precious metals — a great variety of most valuable jew- 
els — the richest silks — the most excellent drugs and 
medicines ; and in a word, all the necessaries, and all the 
luxuries of life are there obtained in th« richest abun- 
dance and many of them with little labor or expence. 

3. Asia seems to have been a region best adapted to 
the culture of the human species. We infer this from 
a remarkable fact, viz. that the savage nations of Eu 
rope, Africa, and America are, and have been in every 
age, far more savage, and sunk much deeper on the 
scale of reason than those of Asia. Indeed, it has been 
affirmed by some, that a savage nation never existed in 
Asia. The Scythians and Tartars were nearest to a 
savage state ; but how far, indeed, were they above that 
state in several important respects. Their skill and 
power in war has been far superior to the savages in the 
other quarters of the world. They had nearly ^conquer- 
ed the Medes and Persians, and were always a terror to 
the Greeks and Romans. Their invasions have been 
conducted with a deep policy, and their battle was al- 
ways terrible. 

4. The Asiatics are generally of a milder and more 
pacific and amiable character than most other nations. 
This is very perceivable in the Russian empire, so soon 
as you pass out of Europe into Asia: you observe milder 
manners, and even a more soft and engaging counte- 
nance, together with more hospitality, and urbanity 
of treatment. The Persians and Hindoos are graceful 
and elegant in their form, and their deportment is polite- 
ly civil, indeed, Persia may, in some respects, be called 
the France of Asia. The ground we have taken in this 
article is justified by compariug the wars of A*' a with 
those of the other parts of the world, 

R2 



114 A81A. 

A few great conquerors in distant ages of the world 
have in uie considerable commotions, but in regard oi* 
when did Asia ever resemble Europe in the times of 
Alexander, Csesar, Constantine, Charlemagne, Lewis 
XIV, or Napoleon ? When was Asia seen in the state 
in which Europe has been for ten years past? >■ 
since men were upon the earth. Should it he objc. 
that they are pacific because they are ignorant, for sake 
of peaee then, let all nalions become ignorant as soon as 
possible. Hut that is not a fart. It is not owing to their 
ignorance. The governments of China, India, Persia, 
and Arabia know as well the state of their neighbor! 
those of Europe do. 

According to the tenor of the above objection, i j 
much best for nations to he ignorant. If knowledge will 
set men to killing one another with diabolical rage and 
infernal malice : yea, if it will make men, in this res- 
pect, worse than devils, it had better he let alone. Our 
Saviour affirms that there is a degree of union in Satan's 
kingdom ; and a great poet rather improves upon the 
idea : — 

• c I)( vil with devil riumii't! firm concord 1, 
:i only «!isairi ee of creatures rational." 

5. That the nations of Asia have never sunk so low 
into a savage state as many others, seems to he owing to 
their very great natural advantages, of whieh, if they 
had made a proper improvement, they might have risen 
to an astonishing height of learning, wisdom, and virtue. 
Kut here they have failed. On the soft bosom of luxury 
they ha « hushed to a long and inglorious repose. 

Their eyes seem for ever shut to all true and solid glory. 
y never once look up to that distant and lofty sum- 
mit to \\ hieh man may rise hy energy — hy perseverance. 
Integrity, and virtue. They place the sum of happiness 
-t — a most foolish and absurd philosophy, equally 
opposed to i virtue wd the nature of all intelli- 

gent heings. 

G. Monarchy prevails every where in Asia, and that 
in its simplest form. It seems in vain to talk of natural 
advantages, when it i* certain there is no nation in all 



IN GENERAL. 110 

this immense region which has any proper knowledge or 
use of its inherent rights. Natural rights may as well 
not exist, as to be neither known nor enjoyed ; and such 
is the uniform condition of the people of Asia. If, in 
any case, th<j strictness and energy of despotism fail, it 
is not owing to the lenient influence of reason and virtue, 
but it is where government gives way to anarchy, and 
all principles of order fail before ignorance, vice and 
barbarity. 

Nor is man there more ignorant of his own rights, than 
he is of the true character of his Maker, and of his duty 
and obligation to him. There are still some christian 
churches in Asia, but, for the most part, they have little 
of Christianity but the name. In contemplating Asia, 
we have before us a vast region of mental and moral 
darkness. There are few circumstances which look like 
the dawn of improvement ; and, from all we can disco- 
ver, this whole quarter of the globe is undergoing a 
gradual decline towards a state of barbarity. To this 
observation, however, Russia, certainly, if not China, 
forms an exception. It is highly questionable whether 
the increasing intercourse of Europeans with the eastern 
Asiatics is of any valuable tendency to the latter. The 
horrid wickedness on every occasion displayed by 
Europeans, has fixed in the minds of those nations in- 
vincible prejudices against their government, general 
character, and especially against their religion. 

It is a melancholy reflection how little the conduct of 
christian nations has been calculated to recommend their 
religion to their unbelieving neighbors. Will heathens 
judge of the nature of Christianity by the conduct of a 
few solitary individuals ? or will they be more likely to 
draw their conclusions from the couduct, of a nation? 
They will judge from the couduct of a nation, doubtless. 
What conclusion, then, must the Chinese, Indians, and 
islanders, draw, concerning the christian system, from 
the conduct of such Europeans as have visited their 
countries ; as of the English, Dutch, Portuguese, &c. ? 
They must conclude Christianity to be a cloak for every 
species of villainy — to be but another name for cruelty, 
injustice, dishonesty, intrigue, perfidy, and every 
crime that is atrocious and enormous : and of all reli- 
gions in the world thev must think it the worst. 



lift PRESENT STATE 

It is not admirable that the missionaries, sent into those 
countries to preach the gospel, have met with impedi- 
ments, and that their success has been small. It is 
rather astonishing that they ever, in one instance, got a 
candid and> patient hearing. The Indians, especially, 
have a strong attachment to their own religion, handed 
down from their ancestors ; and what reason they have 
to detest and abhor the people of Europe, is a matter 
notorious to the universe. 

It seems to he matter of regret that the fair and spa- 
cious realms of Asia should lie, from age to age, void of 
intellectual culture — that the human mind should there 
be fettered by the absurdest superstitions, and inflated 
with error and falsehood, instead of being expanded and 
enriched by the divine, immortal food of knowledge and 
virtue, drawn from the fountain of eternal perfection : 
but so it is. These things are governed by an unseen 
band. The time may come when the face of the 
moral, and, of course, of the natural world shall be 
changed. When the wilderness and solitary place sliall 
blossom like the rose — when all the families and nations 
of the earth shall be of one mind, and shall allay their, 
thirst at the same pure fountain of heavenly wisdom. 

The Indian shaH then no longer adore the sun, nor 
think to wash away his moral pollutions in the stream of 
the Ganges. The Abyssinian shall no more worship the 
father of waters ; nor the arctic savage the genius of 
storms and darkness : but all nations shall adore one 
God — submit to his moral government — rejoice in his 
perfections, and conftde in his grace. May that time 
soon arrive — may the changes w hich must prepare its 
way be hastened, till he shall come whose right it is to 
reign. 



CHAPTER XII. 

PRESENT STATE OF AFRICA, 



THE continent of Africa is shaped like a pyramid 
whose base is washed by the Mediterranean sea — its 
western 6ide by the Atlantic, and its eastern by the In- 



OF AFRICA. 117 

dian ocean ; while its point, or apex, projects south- 
wardly into the great South Sea. — This vast peninsula 
is joined to Asia at its north-east corner by the isthmus 
of Suez, about 60 miles over : it extends from 87 de- 
grees north, to 34? degrees south latitude, and from about 
17 west, to 51 degrees east longitude, and is 4,300 
miles long, and 3,500 miles wide ; and is supposed to 
contain 8,506,208 square miles. 

The commercial advantages of Africa, in point of 
local situation, may well compare with those of the other 
quarters of the globe. Its proximity to the great oceans 
and their numberless islands, and its position with re- 
spect to the other continents, all declare its situation to 
be highly favorable for every interest of commerce. It 
lies in the bosom of the Atlantic, Southern, and Indian 
oceans. Asia and the East Indies stretch eastwardly of 
it, and are accessible either through the Indian ocean, 
or from the Red Sea through the straits of Babelmandel. 
From the northern shores of Africa, all the Mediterra- 
nean lies in view ; nor was it a tedious voyage for the 
Africans to go into the Black Sea ; and, from the straits 
of Gibraltar, they coasted with ease along all the west of 
Europe, even to the Baltic or Norwegian seas. 

If their commercial advantages are great, their agri- 
cultural are, or at least once were, if possible, still 
greater. All ancient history speaks in the highest terms 
of the extreme fertility of the lands of Africa. We can- 
not say positively whether this fertility was universal ; 
but it undoubtedly was common to all the northern shores. 
It is at least possible that the continent of Africa was 
once as deeply clothed with vegetation as that of South 
America, though, indeed, not very probable. The 
continual action of an almost vertical sun, for many ages, 
may have effected great changes in the nature of the 
soil. From many late observations, it appears that the 
sands of Africa have spread farther north, and are 
making gradual encroachments on the fertile countries of 
Egypt andBarbary. } Those countries, of course, grow 
more inhospitable, and more thinly inhabited. 

This country abounds in the precious metals, and in 
many valuable natural productions. It may be called 
the region of animal life, since there are more than 
double the number of species of animals in it, that there 



11* t»KI STATE 

arc in the other quarters of the globe. Egypt and 
Carthage were both, in their turn, great and powerful. 
ience fn pt: and Carthage held a w * 

doubtful contest with Rome for universal empire : happy 
indeed it was for the world, that content terminated :<- 
did. 

But whatever Africa could once boast — whatever may 
have been its natural advantages, it now presi the 

eye of one uniform, immense region of 

lorance, vice, barbarity, and misery. If we enter 
it continent by the isthmus of Sue/. Egypt first re- 
ceives us ; which, to speak in the true spirit and style of 
Ancient prediction, h a base kingdom. Still elevated by 
ne faint glimmerings of civilization above the rude 
rage, the people there have just knowledge enough* to 
rend more conspicuous their depravity. They exhibit 
an astonishing specimen of the effects of bad government, 
and of the destructive tendency of corrupt morals. Per- 
haps no nation is more miserable than the Egyptians. 
They seem to be crushed under every species of tyranny 
and have no spirit left either to assert their rights, or avail 
vhemselves of any one advantage they so conspicuously 
possess. 

Proceeding from Egypt to the sourse of the Nile, 
among the mountains of Abyssinia, there is a change of 
prospect ; but it is going only from bad to worse. The 
traveller has evidently made an advance towards that de- 
gradation of intellect which marks the mere savage. — 
The people of Abyssinia, are overwhelmed in vice, 
void of the cultivations of science : they arc sunk too 
low to be susceptible of much government. They are, 
i nation, a cruel, ignorant, vile, uncleanly rac< 
From Ahyssinia, descending down the eastern she 
of Africa, along the const of Zanguebar, to CaffVaria 
and the cape of Good Hope, the prospect, as far as 
known to travellers, is nearly the same. The uniform 
gloom of the countenance denies expression to the noblest 
»:n of the soul. The fallen forehead and pro; 
bin give even the intellectual region a resemblance 
mine species. The widely separated 
-tl;i' woolly head — the enormously projecting lips 
and spreading nostrils, heighten the terrors of the sable 
name. and. combiued with other deformities of 



OF AFRICA. H9 

shape, denote at once the complete savage ; or almost 
leave room to doubt whether the hideous form is a degra- 
ded link in the chain of intelligence, or a beast over 
which the hand of nature has thrown the semblance of 
humanity. 

From the cape of Good Hope, passing up the west- 
ern shores of Africa, they are found no better than the 
eastern. The mental darkness of the nations dwelling 
there seems but too truly depicted in the sooty blackness 
of the face ; and the depravity of the heart is no less dis- 
played in their ferocious manners. In this western tour 
lies the coast of Guinea ; those countries where christian 
nations have carried on a traffic so highly honorable to 
their name and character — and where they have a town, 
or fort, called Christiansburgh ; a name wonderfully 
adapted to the nature of the business transacted there ! 

From the slave and gold coast, proceeding northward, 
the great rivers Gambia and Senega, or Senegal, are pas- 
sed, and the states of Barbary next receive the traveller, 
wearied with roving through scenes of barbarity, wretch- 
edness, and darkness. Turning eastward, he passes 
the states of Barbary and Egypt, once fine and flourish- 
ing countries : but now r what are they ? How low are 
they fallen. 

The central parts of Africa are unknown. The Za- 
hara is an immense region of sand, overwhich refresh- 
ing showers of rain never distil their copious blessings ; 
nor does the bow of heaven display its beauteous arch on 
the retiriug cloud. There the verdant meadow, the flow- 
ery vale, and the waving forest are never seen : the tink- 
ling rivulet is never heard ; nor does the murmuring 
brook invite the traveller to repose on its shady banks : 
but there the hot and sultry winds, in furious tornadoes, 
hurl the sandy billows to the heavens, and sport in fear- 
ful showers and storms of dust. Instead of the music 
of birds — instead of the sweet and solemn serenade of 
the nightingale, those gloomy deserts resound with the 
roar of lions and tygers — the deadly hisses of serpents, 
and the horrid bowlings of nameless dragons and fright- 
ful monsters. Those dreary climes have furnished a 
grave for a number of enterprizing travellers. The ex- 
pectations of the public were highly raised from the 
known abilities and daring spirit of the enterprising 



ISO PRESENT STATE 

Mungo Park. Much information was expected from hi« 
trawls in the interior of Africa ; but he has fallen a prey 
to the merciless barbarity of those faithless savages. — 
Munsjo Park deserves a monument among heroes, sages, 
and philosophers. 

The northern shores of Africa, generally called the 
States of Barbary, are of the Mahometan religion. — 
Ethiopiaand Abyssinia have something which resembles, 
but very remotely, the Christian religion. The middle 
and southern parts are pagan. As to government, the 
most complete and barbarous despotism reigns in every 
part of Africa. Though ancicut Egypt may be regard- 
ed as the cradle of science, yet in her maturity, ghe has 
long since forsaken every part of Africa, and left even 
Egypt to the gloomy and horrid reign of superstition, 
ignorance, and barbarity. 

The middle and southern nations of Africa are utter- 
ly incapable of projecting or accomplishing any impor- 
tant enterprise. They spend their strength and exhaust 
their rage in petty, but cruel and exterminating wars up- 
on each other. Their captives they either kill, and, it is 
said, devour or sell to the very humane and merciful na- 
vigators of Europe and America ; who bring and sell 
them for slaves to the philanthropic republicans of the 
United States ! where they are bought and sold, and 
treated with as little tenderness and mercy as brutes. — 
How consonant this practice is to the rules of the chris- 
tian religion, or of a free government, and how likely to 
inspire those unhappy beings with respect for the one or 
the other, let the impartial mind judge. 

While unprincipled navigators are thus dragging the 
wretched Africans from one scene of misery to another 
still more lingering and dreadful, the northern shores of 
that continent produce a race of men far more hardy and 
daring : who, as if to avenge the quarrel of their coun- 
trymen, are the enemies of all christian nations ; whose 
ships infest the seas, and whose robberies and piracies 
arc dangerous to many nations. With regard to a proper 
mode of treatment of the Barbary powers there seems tobe 
but one alternative : either their friendship mnstbe purcha- 
sed with frequent and large donations, or they must be 
eon<Jnered and disenabled to continue their aggression*. 



» OP AFRICA. 121 

But with regard to the slave trade, root and branch, 
first and last, in all its motives, measures, concomitants 
and consequences, if ever any human undertaking me- 
rited the deepest abhorrence of men, and the heaviest 
curse of Almighty God, it is surely that. When we re- 
fleet on the pangs which those poor wretches must feel, 
who fall into the vortex of this infernal traffic, when they 
see themselves plunged into hopeless slavery, and where, 
if either they or their posterity should ever gain their 
freedom, still their color must sink them utterly below 
all consideration and respect, humanity must bleed 
for them. 

The atrocity of the business is enhanced by the various, 
continual and monstrous cruelties inflicted on them for tha 
slightest faults, and, indeed, can it be thought admira° 
ble, if their deplorable circumstances should often drive 
them into the most desperate crimes and outrageous mis- 
demeanors ? The great and awful catastrophe of this 
perfidious commerce, is still amosg the events of futuri- 
ty : for, let it not be considered as an idle and groundless 
surmise, the importation of slaves in such < numbers, in- 
to this country, will, on some future day, affect the re- 
puse of the United States. 

The continent of Africa has few rivers or mountains. 
The principal mountains are the Atlas, which gives name 
to the Ail antic ocean, Sierra Leona, and the mountains 
of the moon. The chief rivers are the Senegal, Gam- 
bia, Niger, and the Nile ; and there are few brooks and 
springs of water. A country poorly watered, abound- 
ing with immense plains, which lie basking beneath a 
vertical sun, must be unfriendly to vegetation, and can 
merit no better appellation than that given to it by the 
Latin poet, " Jlrida nutrix leonUm." 

At present there is not a free government in Africa ; 
and, unless we can make an exception of Carthage*, there 
never was one. 'there is not a civilized nation there, 
unless Egypt and the states of Barbary can be called 
such. And is their state growing better? Alas! what 
circumstance can take place — what event arise, which 
shall meliorate their condition ? Shall the progress of 
congest open the way for any fortunate changes, or hap- 
py revolutions? No : had they any thing which could 
mvite an enlightened conqueror, yet who can conquer, 

S3 



122 PRESENT STATE 

who can withstand or endure their climate? But they 
ha\ e nothing to allure a conqueror : they lie beyond his 
u, and the most of them even beyond the journies of 
fame. Shall the native force of their genius ever break 
their fetters? Shall a Cyrus, an Alexander, a Charle- 
magne, a Feter, a Washington, or a Bonaparte, ever 
arise and luad them to fame, independence, freedom and 
happiness ? Or shall they rise to that state by the slow 
and gradual on f art and science ? Alas ! the flight 

of twenty centuries has extinguished all hopes of an\ 
change for the better. Their mental degradation has 
given their destiny a gloom as deep as that which the 
scotching heavens has spread over their complexion. — 
Their actual state may be worse than it now is — their 
prospects cannot well be worse. Abandoned to them- 
selves, they seem condemned forever to trace the dreary 
road which leads towards the extinction of intelligence, 
virtue, and happiness. 

Shall they look for relief from the more prosperous, 
enlightened, and happy regions of the eartii ? From 
Europe or America ? Better would it be for them if they 
were separated from us by a wall as high as heaven. Do 
our vessels approach their shores but when allured by 
the hopes of surreptitious gain or promiscuous plunder? 
When they descry our sails on their seas, have they not 
reason to conclude that we are coming to cheat, to plun- 
der, or to seize aud carry them to a fate worse than 
death ? And have they not reason to deprecate our \ 
its — to detest our policy, religion, or rather irreligion. 
aud government, and to invoke the vengeance of heaven 
upon our name? Nothing have they to expect from 
more enlightened nations but chains, and stripes, and tor 
me nts — but slavery, infamy and misery. 

It has been often alleged, in defence of the slave 
trade, that the Africans who are brought among christian 
people, have thereby a chance given them to learn and 
embrace Christianity. Hapless lot! The father of 
spirits can, indeed, break through all their prejudices, 
and force conviction upon them. Almighty Providence 
could save Jonah, even in a whale's belly : the same can 
certainly save a negro slave from the southern states, 01 
the West Indies ; aud as well the savage tribes who live 
ob the banks of the Gambia and Niger. Their ensia- 



OF AFRICA. 133 

vers will, however, be allowed but little merit in the day 
of retribution, on the ground of efFecting their conver- 
sion by forcing husband from wife, and children from 
their parents — far from their native country into cruel 
slavery — this will be a sorry plea for christians in the 
light of Infinite Wisdom. 

The man who justifies slavery upon this principle, let 
him put himself in the place of one of those ruthless 
children of misfortune. Let him imagine himself sei- 
zed, perhaps in the night, and torn from all his friends, 
and all his heart held dear — bound and forced into a ves- 
sel loaded with wretches like himself — his tears answer- 
ed with scorn — his cries for pity, with the bloody whip. 
If he does not perish with contagion, hunger or cruelty 
on the voyage, he is landed at length and consigned to a 
master who drives him into his fields to labor. He never 
more sees a friend : he never more hears from his lost re- 
lations : he sees not a moment's freedom : his labors are 
incessant but not for himself : his toils are perpetual, and 
the fruit consigned to his oppressor : he bids an eternal 
adieu to contentment, to hope, and to enjoyment; he 
learns to brook insnlt by its repetition and his only rem- 
edy for pain is habit and endurance. 

But for what purpose was he brought from his country? 
Why was he forced from the scenes of his youth, and 
from the cool retreats of his native mountains? Was it 
that he might witness the saving knowledge of the gos- 
pel ? That he might become a christian ? Did they de- 
sire to open his prospects into a future life : to inform his 
clouded soul of immortal joys ; and aid him in his pil- 
grimage to heaven ? No — He was deprived of freedom, 
the dearest pledge of his existence. His mind was not 
cultivated and improved by science. He was placed 
among those who hate and despise his nation : who un- 
dervalue him even for that of which he is innocent, and 
which he could not possibly avoid! — he is detested for 
his complexion, and ranked among the brutes for his 
stupidity — his laborious exertions are extorted from him 
to enrich his purchasers, and his scanty allowance h 
furnished only that he may endure his sufferings for their 
aggrandizement. Where are the incentives that may 
induce him to become a christian? Alas! th 
crushed beneath a mountain of desperate and hopelpss 



i£4 PRESENT STATE 

, f — his views of happiness are depressed so that he 

must almost doubt of his natural claim to humanity. 

M Had ho religion, think yon he could pray ? 

" Ah do! he steals him to his lonely slu»!. 

u What time moist midnight blows her venoVd breathy 

41 And, musing how he long has toiled and bled/' 

Seeks shelter only in the arms of death. 

Much, indeed, may be said in praise of the noble and 
benevolent exertions of many individuals to promote 
humanity, order, civility, and virtue among those un- 
happy nations. They have spared no pains nor expence 
—they have encountered the dangers of those inclement 
climes, and the perils of a barbarous land. Their good 
will in this godlike work has been blessed — they have 
been found doing their duty, and they shall not loose 
their reward : but will, doubtless, meet the approbation 
of the Almighty, the beneficent father of heaven and 
earth. 

Were the nations w T hich bear the christian name gene- 
rally engaged in this work — were they desirous to 
meliorate the condition of savage nations, they might, by 
a proper course of conduct, at length, remove those pre- 
judices from their minds, which now form insuperable 
bars to the most benevolent attempts of individuals and 
societies. Savages derive their views of the character, 
government, and religion of christian nations not from 
the testimony of a few individuals, but from the conduct 
of those nations. They reason thus : " If, v say they, 
" christian nations believe and practise according to 
their religion, we are sure it is the worst in the world ; 
therefore we will not embrace it : but if christians do not 
practise according to their religion, it is surely*because 
they do not believe in it; and if they do not believe nor 
practise it, why should we ? Why should it challenge 
our assent and ronfupmity, who do not understand it, 
when those who do disregard its dictates?" 

There is no certain evidence that the Africans are in- 
ferior to the Asiatics or Europeans in their natural 
make ; and it is highly probable that their mental powers 
are impaired only by their peculiar habits. We have 
already noticed the figure the people of Egypt and 



OF AFRICA. 1*5 

Carthage once made among the nations of the earth. 
The former were, for many ages, the oracles of science, 
and the latter were not only the greatest of the ancient 
commercial nations, but among the most warlike, haviug 
produced the second, if not the first great commander of 
antiquity. 

Some attempt to prove, from the consideration of their 
color, that they are naturally inferior to white nations. 
Their color is merely the misfortune of their climate, 
arising from the heat of the sun and their way of life. 
Many talk about the mark set upon Cain, and suppose 
the Africans his descendants — never considering that the 
family of Cain perished in the deluge. The blackness 
of the Africans is perfectly well accounted for from the 
regular operation ef natural causes ;* and their in- 
feriority in various respects, from neglecting the proper 
use of those advantages which, in other quarters of the. 
globe, have been improved with success. 

Whether they are now at the ultimate point of depres- 
sion, or are to sink still deeper, is known only to the 
Ruler of providence. It is impossible to reflect upon 
their present situation but with sensations of surprise, 
grief, and compassion. 

Hapless children of men ! when shall light and order 
pervade the cheerless regions where you dwell? What 
power shall heave the adamantine bars which secure the 
gates of your dungeon, and bring you forth ? When 
shall the cherub hope smile on you from heaven, and, 
with a compassionate voice call you to the pleasures of 
reason — to the delights of immoitality ? In the natural 
course of events your destiny seems hopeless — no force 
of words can suitably describe or deplore your case ; and 
your only hope of relief is in omnipotence itself. Your 
deliverer must be a being of almighty power, wisdom, 
and goodness. To that being, then, let me commend 
you — to his favor — to his grace— to his everlasting 
mercy. 

* See a learned and ingenioms treatise on this subject, bj the Rev 
Or. Smith President of Princeton College. 



*20 bOUTU AMERICA. 

CHAPTER XIII. 

THE PRESENT STATE OF AMERICA. 

THIS important part of the globe claims no share of 
notice in tracing the great line of history. It is generally 
considered as unknown to the civilized world till dis- 
covered by Columbus, in 1492; yet, since that period, 
it has risen rapidly into consideration. Truly important 
by its vast extent, and the immensity of its natural 
wealth, in the comparatively short period of three centu- 
ries, it has been the theatre of a series of grand and in- 
teresting scenes. 

America was discovered just after the revival of let- 
ters ; a time when the public mind in Europe had been 
recently roused to action and enterprise. The discovery 
of so important an object formed an aera in the civilized 
world, by exciting desires and spreading temptations — 
by rousing the latent fires of ambition — by giving birth to 
new schemes of policy and speculation , and by origina- 
ting numberless projects and enterprises which often dis- 
turbed the repose of Europe, and terminated in wars and 
revolutions. 

For an account of those things we must refer our 
readers to the histories of Europe ; and we wish it was 
in our power also to refer them to an able, impartial, and 
elegant history of our own country. In the following 
chapter, it will be our endeavor to present a general 
view of the present stats of America, preparatory to 
which, a brief sketch will be given of its history since 
its first settlement. 

The American contiuent extends from about 56 de- 
grees south latitude to unknown regions about the arctic 
pole. Its length is more than ten thousand miles, and its 
mean breadth has never been ascertained, but would fall 
between two and four thousand miles. On the east it is 
washed by the Atlantic, and on the west by the Pacific 
ocean. This continent extends through all climates — 
comprehends every species of soil, and every conceiva- 
ble line of geographical feature. It abounds in extensive 
and beautiful plains — majestic rivurs — lofty mountains 
and prodigious lakes. Its lakes are worthy of the le- 



SOUTH AMERICA. 127 

spectable name of inland seas ; and its rivers are many of 
them of such size, that was it not for their rapid current 
and fresh water, they would be mistaken for bays and 
arms of the ocean. Its plains are clothed with luxuriant 
vegetation — its mountains rise with awful grandeur, 
pierce the clouds, and seem to prop the skies. 

The soil of America, if it has no certain claim to 
superiority, is at least equal to that of Spain, Italy, 
India, or China. Iu the United States, as far as we can 
remark on that article, there is no deficiency. The 
prodigious exports from several of the states, although 
in their infancy, is a proof that the country is made na- 
turally fruitful and rich : and through the whole exten- 
sive chain of settlements from the coast of Labradore to 
Cape Horn, and from thence to California and Kams- 
chatka, the countries are generally healthful. 

Nature has thrown the American continent iuto two 
grand divisions, separated by the isthmus of Darien. 
South America is distinguished by the size of its moun- 
tains and rivers. The Andes lie on the western coast of 
South America, and extend the whole length of that 
continent. These are the most extraordinary mountains 
in the world, whether we regard the length of their 
chain, the breadth of their base, or the elevated height 
of their summits. The elevation of Chimborazo is more 
than 20,000 feet above the level of the sea. They ex- 
tend the whole length of South America ; and, indeed, 
the Allegany mountains in North America, are thought to 
be a continuation of the same mountains, only interrupt- 
ed by the gulf of Mexico. 

The rivers in South America are no less remarkable 
than the mountains. They rise in the eastern declivities 
of the Andes, down which they rush in numberless tor- 
rents and cataracts. From the foot of the Andes they 
must wander across the continent to the Atlantic ocean, 
the distance of 2000 miles. In this long course, which 
is increased by numerous meanders, they receive a mul- 
titude of streams, and, while yet at a great distance 
from the sea, their volume of water becomes majestic, 
broad, and deep. They roll on with increasing gran- 
deur, and meet other rivers as large as themselves. Be- 
fore they reach the ocean their channels are more than an 
hundred miles broad, and appear, as already said, like 



(ft SOUTH AMERICA. 

an arm of the se a : such are the Oronoke, tbe river of 
Plate, and the Amazon. 

The mountains of North America are inferior to the 
Andes, as is < -very other mountain on earth ; but the 
I ivers in the northern division are nearly equal with those 
of the south. The Mississippi, the Oregon, the Bour- 
bon, and the St. Lawrence, pursue each a different 
direction, and reach their several oceans at the distance of 
2000 miles. But the chain of lakes in North America, 
to which the river St. Lawrence forms an outlet, has no 
parallel in any part of the world. The principal of 
these are Ontario^ Erie, Michigan, Huron, and Su- 
perior. We may calculate that, at some future period, 
the country about those lakes will be settled, and they 
will afford a vast inland navigation of incalculable im- 
portance to that country. 

In addition to the rich and productive soil of South 
America, the bowels of the earth are stored with pre- 
cious metals. Mexico and Peru abound with the richest 
mines in the world. This, at first rendered South 
America the most dazzling object in view of the powers 
of Europe : but the deep forests and more hardy climate 
of North America promised wealth only to persevering 
labor and industry. In event the precious metals of the 
south have ruined the most powerful nation in Europe, 
while the labor aud industry of the north have given ex- 
istence to a new empire, which will shortly be able to 
set all Europe at defiance. 

In glancing an eye at the natural advantages of the 
new continent, we must not forget to add to the consider- 
ations of soil and climate an immense sea coast, nume- 
rous fine harbors, and an unequalled inland navigation, 
hy means of rivers, bays, and lakes, comprising all the 
advantages of commerce. 

Such was the new world discovered by Columbus. 
This continent, containing nearly half of the dry land 
of the globe, exclusive of the islands, lies opposite and 
forms a balance or counterpoise to the old world. This 
1 continent, when discovered by Columbus, was 
fouud inhabited by savages. The nations of Mexico and 
Peru were the most improved of them all ; but they were 
far less so than the Tartars and Scythians of Asia.— 
These savages, in most parts of America, were thinly 
scattered over a wide countrv. 



SOUTH AMERICA. IS9 

From whence these nations descended, or whence they 
game, is uncertain. Nothing conclusive is discoverable 
on that head from their oral histories and traditions — 
from their language, manners, or customs, or from any 
monument found in ail the continent, or any other part 
of the world. Dr. Robertson has conjectured on this 
subject with his usual elegance of style and manner; 
and, with uncommon force of imagination, has con- 
structed a bridge from Africa to South America, on 
which they might pass ; which bridge he has sunk by 
earthquakes, or worn away by the attrition of the gulf 
stream. In fact, it is of little consequence from whom 
the natives of this country were descended ; but. were it 
otherwise, conjectures were vain and groundless. By 
reason of a total want of evidence, the subject rests in 
darkness. 

The new world opened an inviting prospect from afar 
to myriads in Europe. They had no scruples of con- 
science in seizing upon a country inhabited by savages, 
whom they considered as having no more right to the 
land thau the beasts of the forest. Thousands flocked 
hither to escape poverty, oppression, and the various 
troubles of Europe. The Spaniards spread south- 
wardly, allured by the rich mines of Peru and Mexico. 
They thought that mere land, especially a wilderness, 
was scarcely worthy of occupancy. We shall be very 
short on their history. Under the command of Cortez, 
the Pizarros, and sundry other adventurers of most exe- 
crable memory, they subdued the northern parts of 
South America. They slaughtered several millions of 
the harmless natives of those countries : and exhibited a 
scene of horror and cruelty which was doubtless never 
equalled on the old coutinent — showing themselves, on 
all occasions, to be a race of monsters in human shape, 
void of humanity, mercy, truth, and honor. 

Their wickedness was too outrageous for the earth to 
bear, or the heavens to behold without a frown. The 
hand of Providence has pursued them with various 
curses, and has smitten Spain itself with a consumption, 
aud an irrecoverable decline, for allowing, indeed for 
perpetrating such horrible and enormous cruelties. — - 
The Spaniards soon acquired immense treasures of s:old 
and silver, and became utterly parahzed by wealth. 

T8 



130 SOUTH AMERICA. 

» 

They were wealthy only to benefit their more industrious 
neighbors ; and they exhibit a striking proof that ex- 
orbitant wealth and luxury are but feeble bulwarks to 
1 prosperity. Spain, in the early part of the 
ltfth century, was the most powerful nation in Europe. 
Without any revolution — any considerable misfortunes 
by war, or otherwise, 9he has gradually become weak, 
and is scarcely an independent nation. Her provinces 
in South America are still weaker: they are not known 
but as wide regions inhabited by an ignorant, or b^ 
savage race of people, as iucapablc of enjoying as of 
obtaining independence. 

It can scarcely be thought of without a smile, and 
surely onght not to be told in less pompous language 
than Homer describes his battle of the frogs and mice, 
that one Miranda expected to conquer and revolutionize 
South America with two or three sloops of war. and about 
as many hundred men. A republic in New-Spain 
would be a still more curious object than a republic in 
France. Mirauda, before he plans another such expe- 
dition — before he becomes a second Washington, and 
erects a second United States in South- America, should 
be advised to spend a few years in the school of common 
sense, where he might have an opportunity to study hu- 
man nature. Had he perceived the difference between 
the British and Spanish colonies — had he judged rightly 
of men. of manners, of revolutions, and of the difficulty 
of originating governments, he would have thought it 
best to wait, at least five hundred years, when things may 
become more ripe for organizing his well meant plan. If 
he must render his name immortal by any expedition, let 
him hire a flock of ganzas and invade the moon.* A 
conquest of that nature might enrol his name with that of 
Washington, and he may find out, by consulting Gulli- 
Ter, the directcst road thither. 

The Spanish colonies in South America are not worth 
conquering. As to the matter of their strength, any ef- 
fective force might subdue them: but the vastness of 
their country, and the nature of their climate, would be, 
to a northern army, more formidable than an army of 

fc In which edition, if he should fail, Col. Bi/rr u 

without doubt 



NORTH AMERICA. 131 

giants; and the people, when conquered, before they 
could be formed into a regular and energetic government, 
must have the same length of time allowed them that 
would be requisite for an Ethiopian to change his skin 
or a leopard his spots. They are bound in vice, igno- 
rance, and depravity ; by chains as strong as the 
combined force of nature, habit, and accident can 
fabricate. 

That there should arise in South America an indepen- 
dent, happy, and glorious republic, is an object greatly de- 
sirable : but with regard to Miranda's descent upon that 
country, to effectuate so grand an object, without men 
—without money — without any rational ground of action, 
if we applaud his aim, we shall equally pity his pusil- 
lanimity and be surprised at his temerity ; and especially 
we shall blush that any of our good citizens should be 
werak and vain enough to meddle in the affair. 

North America was destined to happier, at least to 
more ardent scenes of action. A tract of country ex- 
tending from Canada to Florida, and from the Atlantic 
ocean to the river Mississippi, was located, and its east- 
ern borders were settled chiefly by emigrants from the 
British kingdoms. Though they came* hither with raised 
expectations of the country, yet they found the most en- 
terprising industry necessary to level the tall forest aud 
subdue the face of the earth. The grand object of their 
wishes invited them to enjoyment through perils and la- 
borious exertion. They ascended the hills of difficulty 
with resolution, and despaired not of the bright summit, 
though at a distance and elevated. They pushed the 
business of agriculture with nerve, resolution, and un- 
exampled success. The forest fell before them — the sa- 
vages were awed to respectful peace — the country soon 
began to smile, and promised what a more distant day 
would bring forth. 

If language fail in describing the bravery, energy, 
economy, and perseverance of our fathers, it will find it 
no easier to picture the industry, virtue, prudence, and 
fortitude of our mothers. They reared and instructed a 
race of heroes, who were cherished on bosoms expanded 
with every sentiment of truth, and warmed and enlivened 
by every noble and virtuous impulse. They could not 
but be great. Though not possessed with that artificial 



U STATES. 

\\ is derived from th< li manners and g 

d\ splendor of courts ; thej had that strength, tirram 
pansion, and dignity of soul which virtue inspires, sod 
piousness of right can diffuse iua world of 
edom, peace, and plenl 

The rir*t settler" of the United States were daily 
strensjtl by new adventurers, who lied, some indeed 

fljpm justice, hut far mare generally from the pride and 
cr>; live power. In about a century and a 

half the colonies were increased to thirteen in number — 
we, 1 far hack from the sea, and had made con- 

siderab] tncea in commerce and manufactures. A 

hardy race had sprung up. who could not be trampled on 
with impunity; men jealous of their rights — industrious 
in peace, and undaunted in war. 

At that time an unaccountable mama seized the British 
government to make exactions on our country, which 
were equally impolitic and unjust. From those exorbi- 
tant demands our intrepid countrymen turned with vari- 
ous sentiments of disgust, aversion, and abhorrence ; and 
not without emotions of concern and sorrow at the idea 
of a rupture with our mother country. Our ideas of 
British agressions might be suspected of prejudiced and 
partial views, were they not corroborated by their own 
people. The ablest statesmen and profoundest politi- 
cians in Great Britain condemned the measures of their 
government, and foretold the consequences that would 
arise. Violent disputes ensued: they were propagated 
through the British dominions — and our cause was pat- 
ronized by a great and respectable minority. Their 
ablest counsellors were divided, and a subject of such 
magnitude called forth the powers of reasoning, and rou- 
sed the spirit of eloquence, which had slumbered since 
the times of Cicero. 

But the British forum was not the only theatre of elo- 
quence, (u our infant country her powerful voice was 
heard. Men from the plough — from the shop, and the 
counter, for a moment forsook their humble pursuits, 
and. obedient to the distressful call of their country, be- 
canu rding to their abilities, soldiers or statesmen. 

After the perturbation and alarm of the first shock was 
a little past, if was perceived that the colonies would all 
write, and pledge themselves for mutual support and de- 



ITED STATES. 133 

fence. A solemn instrument was drawn up, which de- 
clared, in strong but temperate language, the indepen- 
dence and sovereignty of the United States, and was pub- 
lished on the fourth day of July, 17/(5 — a day ever 
memorable to the people of this happy country. 

The British government, than which no one was ever 
more disappointed or deceived, soon perceived that the 
contest was to be of a serious and eventful nature. The 
scene of action was distant — the necessary preparations 
expensive — every inch of ground was to be disputed ; 
the contest was sharp and bloody, and the issue doubt- 
ful. Impelled by interest, indignity, and pride of cha- 
racter, Great Britain found it necessary to call forth her 
utmost resources. She therefore sent fleets and armies, 
and commenced a threefold attack. She assailed our 
country at each extreme, and in the center ; while, at the 
same time, she armed aud impelled numerous nations of 
savages to fall upon us in the rear. With one army she 
descended upon our northern states, from Canada — with 
another she ravaged the southern states — with a third 
she struck at our center, from New- York, the Hudson, 
and Delaware, while our extensive sea coast was per- 
petually harassed by her victorious fleets ; and our 
western frontier, from Canada to Georgia, was exposed 
to the inroads of myriads of fierce and hostile savages. 

Divine Providence determined we should surmount aR 
the dangers and difficulties of so formidable a war, and 
establish our independence. A man was raised up to 
command our armies, who was able to make the best of 
our slender resources, and to supply their defect by his 
own immense and astonishing genius. (teorgk Wash- 
ington, if any mortal man ever merited the appellation 
of Father of his country, surely merits that name. He, 
by the united voice of his country, led its armies : he 
trained them to the art of war. He fixed their wavering 
resolution — confirmed their dubious virtue — inspired 
them with invincible courage — taught them to be cool, 
intrepid, aud firm in every danger — to exercise the ut- 
most fortitude in adversity, and to be temperate, mag- 
nanimous, mild, and merciful in the moment of victory. 

Washington will not suffer in a comparison with any 
commander, ancient or modern. If compared with 
Cyrus, the armies of the latter ware numerous, and his 



la* UNITED STATB8. 

enemies weak : it was not so with Washington. If 
compared with Alexander, the army of the latter had 
been trained by Philip, one of the greatest men of an- 
tiquity, and the Persians were utterly drowned in luxury. 
If compared with Hannibal, the latter had, perhaps, the 
bravest, most experienced, most impetuous and warlike 
troops upon earth : how far was that from being the case 
with Washington? If compared with Julius Caesar, the 
latter had the ablest, best appointed, and most efl'e 
army which the resources of Rome ever sent into the 
field. If compared with any of the greatest generals of 
modern times, as Gustavus Adolphus, Eugene, Marl- 
borough, Conde, Tilly, Turenue, or even Bonaparte, 
their resources will be found to have been generally in- 
comparably superior to his, and the difficulties they en- 
countered as much inferior. Their armies were nume- 
rous — trained in the storms of war — hardened by mar- 
ches, sieges, and battles — made crafty by ambuscades, 
wiles, and stratagems, and enabled, by long experience, 
to face every form of danger without fear. Their armies, 
in general, were amply fed, clothed, and paid, and 
were completely officered by men thoroughly educated in 
military tactics. 

However fruitful the American lands, and how 
numerous soever the natural advantages of the country 
might be, they were of a nature which required the exer- 
tions of all the people to realize and call them forth ; 
and in proportion to the indispensable labors of the* 
country, there was certainly an extreme paucity of hands 
to carry them on ; few, therefore, could be well spared 
to bear arms. Our armies, which were small, were at 
first composed of men drawn from the bosom of a peace- 
ful land. They were utterly unacquainted with war ; 
yet by hard labor, they had been rendered robust, vigo- 
rous, active, and capable of fatigue. It is not unworthy 
of notice and of admiration, that men, habituated to 
freedom bordering on licentiousness — tenacious of their 
rights, and jealous of their honor even to a punctilio, 
should so readily submit to military subordination and 
martial law. They did, however, yield to steady dis- 
cipline, and, in a short time, were formed into a regular 
army. 



UNITED STATES. 135 

But in a scene of action so immense — in a conflict so 
varied — so long and severe, the United States were in- 
volved in difficulties extreme and dreadful. If we 
looked north, we beheld an army ready to rush like a 
torrent upon us, and sweep our country with the besom 
of destruction. At the southward our most fertile lands 
were desolated by another still more formidable. — 
Swarms of angry savages continually hovered upon our 
frontiers, where many of our unhappy citizens were 
destined to perish with the tomahawk in a midnight sur- 
prise ; and about our sea coasts and harbors the trium- 
phant flag of our enemies was perpetually displayed. 
Agriculture failed for want of hands ; a scarcity of pro- 
visions ensued — there was a cessation of commerce, and 
but little money — our army poorly paid, and miserably 
clad, was threatened by famine or with the dire alternative 
of plundering the country they were raised to defend — a 
country already made naked by exactions disproportioned 
to its resources. 

At this eventful period, the column of our independ- 
ence, so lately reared high, seemed to totter : but it was 
sustained by a few hands, which Omnipotence had ren- 
dered strong for that purpose. A few hands indeed ! 
For how unstable is popular opinion ! however varying 
— how uncertain — how inconsistent — how fickle — how 
unsubstantial is a public passion ! No people on earth, 
(for it shall be spoken) — no people on earth were ever 
more firm — more enlightened — more consistent than the 
people of the United States, as a body. But, alas ! 
what could they do? — What could they think? The 
people at large always judge acutely of present dangers: 
they feel the shock of calamities, and the stings of mis- 
fortune. When their fathers — their sons, and their bro- 
thers fall in battle, the sources of their grief areas wide, 
and their tears flow as freely as those of the statesman 
and hero. It was, so with our people. Their souls were 
made up of courage and fortitude : but their information 
was limited — their views of the ground imperfect — the 
first paroxysms of enthusiastic zeal were past, and the 
flame of general patriotism was a little checked by chil- 
ling disasters. 

It was a timnt of affliction — of grief — of terror, and 
alarm. Fen r triumphed over hone, while the balance 



436 UNITED STATES. 

trembled in suspense, the turn of which was to fix the 
fate of our country for ever. In an hour so dark and 
trying, while huge calamities hnng over us, we were in 
danger of being ensnared by the artful wiles of an exas- 
perated foe. The British government issued a procla- 
mation of grace, a general amnesty — from which none 
were excluded but Haxcock and Adams, who W( 
justly regarded as among (he primary moving powers of 
the revolution. Every man in our country looked round 
himself for encouragement, support, and advice. The 
eyes of the people were turned on those men most re- 
markable for sagacity, wisdom, and integrity, and all 
eyes were directed with extreme solicitude to the general 
Congress. That honorable body, at that day, was com- 
posed of men who could not be awed into submission by 
the voice of majesty, nor the portentous menaces of 
sovereign power. They dared to brave the gathering 
tempest, aud, at any hazard, were willing to rise or fall 
with the revolution. They could not be ensnared by 
fallacious hopes, nor beguiled by unmeaning professions 
and promises, however spacious and dazzling. They 
listened to the British proclamation, as to the voice of a 
syren, and they could not think of purchasing peace 
with the blood of their noblest patriots, but with a chill 
of horror. 

It is not easy to conceive the embarrassments, the 
dangers and perils which attended that Congress, which 
first embarked our political vessel on an ocean so stormy. 
They were obliged to brave the most threatening aspects 
of fur tune — to stand foremost in a doubtful contest. 
They were too well read in the history of nations not to 
know to what inevitable ruin they were exposed should 
the revolution fail. From the same sources they knew 
but too well the fickleness and caprice of the public 
mind. Tli and fell the miseries of their country 

already come, and dreaded others <\\\\ impending. 

die the people, with palpitating fears, looked up to 
their leaders — while they, from New-Hampshire to 
Georgia, in • placed Iheif 

hopi n of tli, * hand of patriots 

•mbled i to one man, as 

to a : their eyes were all fixed on Wash- 

iM/i' . . The British legions who at first affected to 



UNITED STATES. 137 

despise were soon taught to dread that illustrious leader ; 
and the country which he was called to defend, soon per- 
ceived that their confidence was not misplaced : they saw 
that he bore not the sword in vain. 

There were several events which proved favorable to 
the revolution. At first many men of enlightened minds 
were in doubt whether the proper time to separate from 
Great Britain was come : others still felt the force of ha- 
bitual respect for a nation justly styled our mother couu- 
try. Some, indeed were from education, from theory, 
and speculation, strongly attached to the ancient govern- 
ment of the country, and dreaded the violent paroxysms 
of rage, of zeal, and of party views, to which we must 
be exposed in dissolving connexion with Britain, revert- 
ing into a state of uative anarchy — and thence rising to 
order under a new — an untried form of government, to 
be made — to be organized and set in motion by ourselves. 

Many, and with great justness, dreaded a series of bloody 
revolutions, and after all, a disgraceful return to the goal 
from whence we started. They expected we should be 
humbled, scourged, desolated and ruined in war, and 
then return to our allegiance with shame, disgrace, and 
eternal contempt, and submit, voluntarily, to have our 
fetters rivetted, and our destiny fixed in servitude : for 
an unsuccessful attempt at liberty, inay always be re- 
garded as a deadly plunge into hopeless slavery. 

Several persons of these descriptions were scattered 
through the continent ; but, fortunately for us, their num- 
bers soon greatly diminished. When they saw the revo- 
lution had actually taken form, and was likely, at least, 
to be strenuously contested — when they saw the thirteen 
states, as a body, combined, and solemnly pledged to 
defend the cause, they generally yielded the point, and 
even determined to rise or fall with their brethren. 

In enumerating the causes which operated in our favor, 
we cannot avoid noticing the unskilful measures employed 
by the British government to bring us back to our duty 
from a state of revolt. A medium between two extremei 
is often the proper course to pursue ; but to them it was 
certainly most improper, as it proved most unsuccessful. 
They should have been either far more energetic, more 
decisive, and more severe, or far more lenient, mild, and 
gentlft : in either of those extremes, there was a possi* 

US 



VNITED STATE*. 

bility of their succeeding. They, in the first install. 
were certainly the aggressors. Their ablest politicians 
and firmest patriots confessed it, and urged it as a reason* 
why they should seek to restore union and tranquility by 
concession, indulgence, and lenity. But that was too 
mortifying to their pride and ambitiou ; they disdained 
the idea of the slightest concession, and determined to 
do all by austerity, menace, and compulsion. They 
should have organized a course of measures, suitable to 
+he complexion of a policy so self-sufficient, and of an at- 
titude so haughty and commanding. 

But they vainly imagined that a regular army of three 
or four thousand men would directly awe us into submis- 
sion. They tried it, and found out their mistake — when, 
by a strong concurrence of events, it was too late. The 
firmness, union, and bravery of the people of the United 
States, saved them from falling an immediate prey to 
their euemies ; but it is doubtful to what extent their ca- 
lamities would have risen, but for Jbe operation of two 
powerful causes, which cannot be passed unnoticed. 

The aid of France was timely and was necessary. — 
We shall not meddle with the question of equity. We 
shall not say, nor is it in the power of any being, but 
of him who views actions in all their relations, and trace* 
all effects to their first causes, to say how far their inter- 
ference was conformable to the eternal rules of justice. 
As things have turned, our revolution cannot be consider- 
ed but as a source of misfortunes to them. The enmity, 
jealousy, and rivalship subsisting between France and 
England, are things well known to most persons who 
have eyes and ears. Their mutual animosities have em 
broiled Europe for the last five hundred years. 

The rapid growth and vast resources of the British 
colonies, rendered their separation from England, of all 
possible objects, the most ardently to be wished, and the 
most strenuously to be sought for by France. In espous- 

g our cause they aimed a deadly blow at Great Britain: 
it is not, therefore, at all admirable, that they should en- 

rtain ^(v strong a sense of the justice of our cause, 

when our success was likely to diminish the resources of 

ir most formidable rival, and pluck one of the bright- 

» »t gems from the British crown. With the most cordial 

fellow- refore, they espoused our contest and 



UNITED STATES. 18ft 

made it their own : nor should the pen of ihe historian 
be so ungrateful as not to " speak well of the bridge that 
carried us safe over." 

A war between France and England divided the atten 
tion and resources of the latter, and rendered the reduc- 
tion of the colonies the least article in their grand dis- 
pute; which extended itself into both hemispheres, and 
ultimately awakened all the energies of the conflicting 
powers : we were certainly benefitted, probably saved 
from subjugation thereby. 

But all the aid we received, or could have received 
from France, would have been unavailing, had not Pro- 
vidence raised up a man to head our armies, every way 
fitted for that important trust. When we say every way 
fitted, we mean much more than is commonly intended 
by that expression. He' seemed to be in all respects, ex- 
actly such a personage as was indispensible to our 
cause. 

It is remarkable that in the course of the war two en- 
tire British armies were captured. The capture of 
Burgoyne revived the spirits and animated the hopes of 
the Americans, and seemed to put a new face upon 
affairs ; and that of Cornwallis terminated the war. The 
reduction of the states, from the time of that event was 
considered as impracticable. 

If the union of the states, in the revolutionary war, 
may be considered as an evidence of their wisdom, fore 
sight, and patriotism, their union in a maker of equal 
magnitude, since that time, is no less remarkable :— 
when the first articles of confederation, established as 
the basis of our political fabric, were found inadequate 
to that grand purpose, the states a second time cordially 
united in a plan of government, recommended to them 
by a general convention. This second union, especially 
disappointed the hopes of the enemies of our country, 
and falsified their numerous and vehement prediction? 
that we should disagree, dispute, quarrel, and dash in 
pieces on that dangerous rock. 

The course of events since the adoption of the federal 
government is well known. Regarding our entire histo- 
ry— -our progress in our colonial relation to Britain — our 
emancipation from foreign domination — our union in two 
girand movements, so improbable, and yet so ntcessary — 



1 10 BRITISH AMERICA. 

ihftrt, re^Wing our past and present state , and our 
future prospects, ue mvM be pronounced a fortuna' 
and nappy people* 

In giving a succinct view of the present state of the 
new world, we shall consider it under lour divisions, viz. 
British and Spanish America, <he United States, and 
the savage nations. 

1. AY hat was designed to he noticed of Spanish 
America has been nearly anticipated. The immense 
provinces they possess in the new world, lie generally in 
a wilderness state. Their application to agriculture in 
those extensive countries hath been trifling, and the peo- 
ple who claim the civilized rank are mere Spaniards, 
and that of the lowest grade. Their population is in- 
considerable when compared with the lands they claim : 
they make no figure in war — they are nothing in the arts 
and sciences — they can scarcely boast of one illustrious 
character ; and there seems not to exist one single fact, 
trait, or circumstance to veil the sterility of their mental 
soil — the total want of intellectual culture, or to enlighten 
and adorn the pages of their history. On the whole, it 
shall suffice to close our observations on Spanish Ame- 
rica, by noting to the reader that the splendid and elo- 
quent pen of Dr. Robertson has given an ideal import- 
ance to the history of that country, which makes it 
abundantly worth reading — truth and facts being entirely 
out of the question. To his history, therefore, the 
reader is referred. 

2. The possessions of Great Britain in North America, 
commonly called British America, are comprised in a 
section of that continent north of the United States, and 
commence about the 45th degree of north latitude. 
They are bounded east by the Atlantic ocean — south 
partly by the United States, and they seem to run west 
and north indefinitely, or till met by circumjacent seas. 
> either the Canadas, Nova-Scotia, nor New Bruns- 
wick, can very soon become objects of very great im- 
portance. Regions so remote — so cold and inhospitable, 
can never awaken Hie spirit of emigration ; nor will the 
neural progress of population be very rapid. Perhaps, 
should the world remain in its present form for twenty or 
thirty centuries, those provinces may become populous, 
in some meagre, by nipans of a chauge of climate. It 



BRITISH AMERICA. 4 41 

is a remarkable fact that the climate, in the New- Eng- 
land states, has heen observed to change materially 
within the last 50. nay 30 years. As the forests are 
cleared away, and the face of the ground laid open, 
should the climate continue to change, the two contin- 
ents may at length become upon a paras to temperature. 
The revenue which Great Britain derives from her 
colonies is of some value ; but the state of those colo- 
nies, generally speaking, is barbarous, wild, and unin- 
viting, in the extreme. Great countries — a thin popu- 
lation sprinkled over their margin — boundless forests — 
long and dreary winters — a frightful solitude — howling 
savages, and a remote seclusion from the world of civility 
and order, are objects which appal all but the robust and 
hardy children of misfortune. Some, indeed, will go 
thither to make, and some to repair their ruined fortunes 
some to repair, and some to form their characters. 

What comer of the earth is so remote — what region so 
forbidding, that the sons of Mammon will not visit it in 
quest of gain? What ocean, strait or river will they nol 
explore, or what form of danger will they not encounter 
—what death will they not despise, when the hope of 
gain is thrown into the adverse scale ? They will dive 
into the bowels of the earth — they will traverse the 
I wildest, the most dangerous deserts — they will encounter 
the eternal frosts of either pole — and laugh at the storms 
of the wintry seas, or the burning showers of equatorial 
sand, when allured by wealth. 

From the nature of the provinces in British America, 
their population must be very slow : they must long re- 
main feeble and of course, so long they must be subject 
to, and dependent on their mother country : nor is it 
likely they will ever form an independent government. 
Should they revolt from Britain, they would naturalh 
fall to their far more powerful and prosperous neighbors, 
the United States — an event, however, as undesirable to 
us, as it would be to Great Britain. Let us, in all con 
science, be satisfied with the territories we have, at least 
for the ensuing live hundred years. When we shall 
have fully experienced the arduous difficulties of sup- 
porting a frame of government over a territory twelve 
hundred miles square, we shall neither wish to purchase 
— to conquer, nor to receive, even by free donation, an 
additional territory. 



142 NAME. 

At the close of the late war, many of the loyalist-, it 
the true spirit of national gratitude, were rewarded for 
their fidelity to Britain, with possessions in Nova-Scotia. 
After a short residence in that dreary country, they 
found themselves exiled from a happier world. They 
grew discontented, and numbers of them returned to the 
United States, and were glad to take up their abode 
among a people upon whom they had, some time before, 
turned their hacks with utter contempt and disgust. 
Whoever is acquainted with the course of human affairs, 
knows thai it is as dangerous to oppose a prosperous re- 
volution, as it is to join with one which fails. 

3. We come now to give a sketch of the present state 
of the United States. 

NAME. 

The new world has been peculiarly unfortunate, in all 
respects, as it relates to the matter of a name. In the 
first place, it should have been called Columbia — a 
name which yields to none in point of dignity, harmony, 
and convenience. The word Columbia, in its very 
sound, is grave and proper for history — it is dignified 
and adapted to oratory — full, smooth, and harmonious-, 
and is equally good in poetry* In its very orthography 
it is neat, convenient, and agreeable — neither too short 
nor too long. 

That the new continent should be called America, 
after Amcricus Vesputius, was the greatest act of 
folly, caprice, cruelty, and injustice of the kind, that 
ever mankind were guilty of. To deprive Columbus of 
that hunor which he so justly merited — to bestow it upon 
one who had no title to it — to violate at once justice, 
propriety, and harmony ; to reject a name which that of 
no nation in point of sound ever excelled, and substitute 
in its place one which sounds but meanly in prose, and 
is intolerable input an act of caprice and folly 

which cai ely be thought of with any degree of 

patience. It will for ever be regretted by every reflect 
ing mind. Indeed, the name of Columbia will always 
reign in poetry, and in the pathetic and sublime of prose. 
It will probably gain ground upon its spurious, upstart, 
rival, and it may in a good measure supplant it. 



NAME. 143 

Since the continent has acquired another name, it 
would have been highly proper to have called the United 
States' Columbia. Though but a part of the continent, 
yet it is a part respectable for size, and probably will, 
for ages, remain the most important part of the new 
world. 

Two favorable moments have past, in cither of which, 
and especially the latter, it is believed that a name might 
have beeu given to the United States. Accompanying 
the declaration of independence, or the promulgation of 
the federal constitution, an appropriate name would pro- 
bably have taken with the people, and have gone down, 
firmly fixed to posterity. When another time equally fa- 
vorable will arrive, is uncertain. There are serious and 
urgent reasons Why the United States should have a name. 
Whether that name shall be proposed by Congress — by 
the universities — by the legislatures of several states, or 
by individuals, is of little consequence, provided the 
name is a good one, and meets with acceptance. The 
power of determining upon a name might be vested in 
the heads of the several universities ; or it might be done 
by the concurrence of the majority of the several states 
by their legislatures,or by the nomination of individuals. 

How nations acquired their names is one of the most 
intricate and obscure questions in history. In most in- 
stances, it has probably been by causes as blind, un- 
meaning, and confused, as the revolutions, impulses, 
and energies of chaos. No name was ever more unlucky, 
absurd, or unjust, than that of the new continent ; nor 
is it to be hoped that the United States will ever obtain 
a name in a more rational way. Indeed, some illus- 
trious patriot, who can brave the laughter of fools — the 
contempt of the wise — the arrows of the satyrist, and the 
derision of the proud, may possibly suggest a name, 
which availing itself of the prejudices and follies of 
mankind, may force itself upon the world.* 

What reasonable objection could (here be to calling this country 
FREOONIA? A name proposed by the greatest scholar in the 
United States — who ?;? F.vrcvr- isconskh 



1 ±4 AGRICULTURE. 

AGRICULTURE. 

Agriculture forms the most important interest of the 
United States. The people may with propriety be cal- 
led an agricultural people. Their natural ad van! 
in regard of that object, certainly equal those of any na- 
tion on earth. Their territories include the best climates 
in the temperate zone ; and, since the addition of Loui- 
siana, they extend, perhaps, from the Atlantic to the Pa- 
cific ocean. But if we consider the lake9, the Atlantic, 
and the Mississippi as our boundaries, there is a vast 
country of arable land, including every possible variety 
of excellence, with few wastes or barrens. We seem to 
fail behind uo quarter of the globe but in the precious 
nieials and jewels. Our lands equal those of Egypt, 
Assyria, India, or China. 

The people of the United States seem well fitted to 
avail themselves of these advantages. They are gene 
rally strong, robust, active, and ambitious, and are ac 
tu&ted by a greater desire to acquire a neat, competent 
independent style of living than any nation ever known 
They value no labors ; hardships, enterprises, fatigues 
and even dangers are encountered with pleasure, in view 
of that honorable independence which is fairly within 
their reach. They grasp after it with eagerness — pur- 
sue it with diligence; and they seldom fail of being 
successful. 

The domestic history of a young farmer, in thi9 coun- 
try, cannot be read but with a kind of romantic pleasure, 
such as a poetic fancy feels in reading the fictions of the 
golden age. He early unites his fortunes and destiny 
with those of some rural nymph, whose virtue, kind- 
. prudence, and industry seldom fail to dignify the 
raptures or passion into the calm sunshine of lasting be- 
ne \ oh nee and esteem. They have no property — the new 
countries invite them, and they go thither animated with 
the B) >sl laudable and sanguine expectations. By afew 
s J labor which they pass through with resolution, 
cheerfulness, and hope, they acquire a competence, frc- 
Itb. Their numerous offspring are trained 
up in habits of industry, economy, and virtue. They 
settle around their parents, form a little society of most 



AGRICULTURE. 145 

endearing friendship, and living in love and peace, they 
are prosperous and happy. 

This country has populated with unexampled rapidity. 
Since the close of the revolutionary war, the western 
line of settlements extending from Canada to Georgia 
has heen moving westward, along the course of the great 
rivers which lead to the Mississippi, and in the bosom 
of those rich countries where the produce of the earth 
rewards the laborer an hundred fold. 

While every art and science is cultivated, that of ag- 
riculture is by no means neglected. The different modes 
of subduing and cultivating the earth have, latterly es- 
pecially, engaged the attention of men of opulence and 
leisure. Agricultural societies have been formed — val- 
uable essays and publicatiocs have been diffused over our 
country, and the most important improvements have been 
brought from Europe and practised with success. Too 
much praise can scarcely be bestowed on those enterpri- 
sing men who have published and diffused several impor- 
tant dictionaries of arts aud sciences, particularly the 
Encyclopaedia. From them the most useful information 
has been and may still be drawn. 

In the agriculture of this country much is still to be 
done: many improvements are still to be made. We 
cannot but observe, with regret and concern that many 
farmers entirely overlook the grand object where their 
true interest centers. They blindly follow the footsteps 
of their fathers and ancestors, without deriving any ben- 
efit from reflection, inquiry, advice, or experiment. — 
They never once dream that husbandry, of all arts, is 
the most improvable. 

In our country there is a scarcity of hands to labor : 
whatever improvement, therefore, diminishes the quantity 
or increases the effects of hard labor, must be valuable. 
It is a prevailing fault that our farmers, in but few in- 
stances, consult the nature and character of their farms, 
and regulate their tillage accordingly. They do not 
consider whether they are more proper for grazing or for 
grain. They are determined entirely by accident or tra- 
dition in the choice of the grasses or the grain they will 
raise. They pay little attention to the selection of seed, 
an article of prime importance in every species of crop. 

X % 



146 AGRICULTURE. 

They are equally negligent of the breed of their cattle, 
Dorses, ami especially of their sheep. Many things of 
this nature, in the farmer's art. may be attended to with 
little expence : attention only seems to be requisite, and 
of that kind which might serve as matter of amusement. 

The greatest general fault observable in the agriculture 
of the United States is, what might be expected from 
the fewness of laborers, an imperfect, slight, and feeble 
tillage of too much land, it might, in a measure be 
remedied : if a much greater attention were paid to the 
cultivation of various species of grass, and to the rear- 
ing of stock, far less labor would be requisite in tillage : 
while at the same time, the farmer's revenue would be in- 
creased, and a smaller portion of his plough lands being 
put into a much higher state of cultivation, would yield 
him a much greater quantity of grain. Where he now 
obtains two hundred bushels of grain from twenty acres, 
be might then obtain the same quantity from five acres. 

The agricultural interest of this country is endangered 
from another quarter. An immense influx of foreign lux- 
uries, and a taste for high living, seriously threaten the 
industry and habits of labor, prevalent among the middle 
classes of people. It may be said, indeed, that to pur- 
chase these luxuries, farmers must be industrious: It is 
a far more practical truth, that to use them does by no 
means consist with economy, and is absolutely incompat- 
ible with industry. 

The middle and northern states, especially the latter, 
arc cultivated by the very people who own the lands : 
each farmer does his own labor : he not only superin- 
tends, but leads in his fields, and does much of the work 
with his own hands. During the intervals of labor he 
reads the newspapers — talks politics, and becomes, at 
least in his own estimation, a profound statesman. It 
must, indeed, be confessed, that no class of laborers on 
earth arc so well informed as the New- England farmers. 
They arc generally well versed in the circulating politics 
of the day — most of them having newspapers enough in 
their Rouses to paper all their rooms 



COMMERCE. 147 

COMMERCE. 

The commerce of the United States is both great and 
growing. Their advantages in this respect are not infe- 
rior to those of agriculture. A vast sea coast, indented 
with almost innumerable good haibors — a multitude of 
navigable rivers — a country abounding with articles of 
high demand for exportation — with every thing necessa- 
ry to ship building, and as bold, hardy and enterprising 
a race of men as ever braved the dangers of the sea, all 
bid fair for commerce. We have already become one of 
the most commercial people in the world, and, it is thought, 
second to none but Great Britain. 

Our advantages for commerce arise from the following 
considerations : 

1. An extensive sea coast. From New-Hampshire to 
Georgia inclusive, considering the windings of the coast, 
is more than 2,000 miles. This whole coast is indented 
with good harbors. Many of them have already become 
places of considerable trade ; and many more are suscep- 
tible of the same advantages, and must rapidly rise into 
consideration, through the enterprise of the adjacent 
country. Some of our sea ports have already become 
great. There is probably no city on the globe which is 
now advancing with such rapid strides towards commer- 
cial greatness as New- York. She is fast rising into the 
first rank of cities. Situated at the mouth of a noble 
and beautiful river, down whose gentle current the 
wealth of an opulent country is wafted by nearly two 
thousand vessels, she trades with all parts of the world, 
and her ships are seen in every ocean. 

2. The United States are prodigiously intersected and 
almost insulated by large rivers. By a few carrying pla- 
ces, which, at no very distant day, will probably be con- 
verted into canals, our whole country may be actually 
divided into several large islands. Those immense riv- 
ers whose waters fall into the bay of Mexico, in some of 
their branches, extend nearly to the great lakes which 
form our northern line, or almost interlock with streams 
which fall into those lakes. One can scarcely glance an 
eye at the map of this country, without being surprised 
at the vast extent and facility of our inland navigation. 



1*8 Lil'bRATUKfc.. 

This subject will attract more attention and excite more 
admiration progressively, as the body of population shall 
move westward, and those forests, which now shade one 
of the most fertile countries in the world, shall be clear- 
ed away. 

3. The third remarkable trait favorable to our com- 
mercc is a vast profusion of materials for ship huildii 
Masts, timber, plank, inn. ilax, hemp, pitch. <V<\ are 
easily obtained in all parts, if not of the very best k*»nd, 
yet of a quality fit for use. In proof of this, our trading 
vessels are yearly increasing in a geometrical ratio. It 
is not to be concealed, indeed, that we import some of 
these materials from other countries : which only shews 
that we have additional resources. 

4. The produce of our country forms the real basis of 
our commerce. To enumerate the articles we export, 
and receive in return, from other nations, would fill ma- 
ny pages. The secret springs of commercial enterprise 
open an immense field of speculation. Our ports are vis- 
ited by the ships of numerous nations, who find also their 
own interest in our trade. 

5. The character and temper of the inhabitants are 
well adapted to commerce. No people are more eager 
in pursuit of wealth. In this, their favorite object, they 
are often led too far : it is thought by some to be the foi- 
ble in their national character. 

LITERATURE. 

It is hoped that the foreigner, into whose bands this 
book may fall, will not too hastily judge that the author 
is attempting to eulogize his native country. We are 
willing he should set down liberally to the account of 
national attachment; but it is our professed intention to 
: ii pie facts. 

Regarding the literature of the United States as one 
entire object — judging impartially, and deciding with 
severity, we are compelled to say that it is on a footing 
not only favorable, biit highly flattering to the present 
and rising generation. We shall here repeat an obser- 
vation which has indeed often been made, but which, if 
true, cannot be made too often, nor dwelt upon too long : 
it is that the lower class of people in this country are bet- 



LITERATURE. 149 

ter informed than the same class in any other country iu 
the world. This observation applies with peculiar fore* 
to the northern states 

That can he said of the United States which cannot 
with justice he said of any other nation, viz. that all om 
citizens are, by some means or other, placed within the 
reach of a good education. Those whose advantages are 
worst, can scarcely be excluded from this rule, and, in 
general it applies with certainty and strength. 

In some of the states, schools are made a public 
pence, and are supported by a regular assessment and 
tax. Every man pays, not according to the number of 
his children, but according to the value of nis estate. — 
It is greatly to be lamented that this is not universally 
the case. It can be viewed in no other light than as the 
firmest pillar of national liberty, prosperity and happi- 
ness. The ignorance of the common people is the cer- 
tain prelude to their poverty and slavery. 

The surprising difference between the people of those 
states who have long felt tiie benign influence of these in- 
stitutions, and others, speaks more loudly on this sub- 
ject, and paints it in stronger colors than are within (he 
reach of tongues or pencils. But even in those states 
where education is not made the object of legislative pro- 
vision, industry and frugality can seldom fail to procure 
the means of acquiring a competent education. Where 
those means appear to be most wanting, that defect is ob- 
viously the result of criminal negligence iu the people ; 
and can neither be ascribed, in any degree, to their ne- 
cessary penury, nor the spirit of theii government. 

Throughout every part of the United States there are, 
or may, and probably will be such schools as will lay a 
broad and respectable foundation for the instruction of 
the great body of the people. How happy would it be 
if every state would establish schools by law ! In many 
instances it would rescue the poor from ignorance, and 
it would ultimately free the country itself from those 
consequences which every virtuous republican ought 
most to dread and deplore. 

A material defect in our present system of education 
is observable in the neglect which too many people are 
guilty of, relative to the qualifications of the teachers of 
their schools. Allured merely by cheapness, they often 



MTKRATl 

send their children to be taught by persons utterly un- 
qualified ; (hey thus repose the most important trust in 
persons destitute of every degree of merit. If in any 
try to employ a workman, who »s master 
of his business, it is certainly so in the I a school 

master : and if moral qualifications are requisites in any 
profession, they should not be neglected in his, to whom 
is entrusted the immensely important task of forming 
the minds of om en. 

Academical schools have of late years, become nume- 
rous, and their number is still rapidly increasing. They 
form an intermediate grade between colleges and com- 
mon schools. From them great benefit results. In ev- 
ery neighborhood where they are found, a number of 
youth are either fitted for college, or so well educated as 
to enter with advantage upon the mechanical or commer- 
cial professions. 

In the United States there are several respectable and 
tshjng colleges, in which young men are carried 
through the various branches of a polite and liheral 
education. The most important of these, at present, are 
Cambridge. Yale, and Princeton. Cambridge is pro- 
bably the best endowed of any college in the United 
States. Princeton has, it is generally allowed, pro- 
duced the greatest number of eminent men, and Yale, 
for the habits of sobriety, order, morality, and disci- 
pline, stands unrivalled. 

The great increase of books in the United States may 
be considered both as the cause and the effect of in- 
creasing taste and information. 15ooks have multiplied, 
both from original production and importation, far more 
rapidly than people to read them. Still, however, re- 
garding the whole mass of population, books cannot be 
said to be very plenty in this country. Although we 
have many men of learning, yet eminent erudition is 
rarely acquired, for want of ace? >s to proper sources of 
knowledge in this infant country : and for want of those 
liheral fortunes which, in Europe, are sometimes lavish- 
ed to foster genius when linked to poverty. 

The encouragement of geni;i<. by opulent men, is a 
thing scarcely known in our country, where to get what 
yon calk, and keep what you have got, is a fundamental 
maxim v> ith all classes : nor is it very admirable that this 



LITERATURE. 151 

maxim is so steadily pursued, since it is regarded as the 
, only clue to wealth, and since to this most of the best 
estates owe their existence. 

It must be confessed that our country has not, as yet, 
produced many literary works of transcendent merit. 
We have few men of leisure, or of very eminent learn- 
ing : but if compared with the nations of Europe, as to 
numbers, resources, and duration, we shall not be found 
deficient. Indeed, the inference, from such a compari- 
son will be found highly in our favor. To suppose our- 
selves equal to the august literati of Europe, or nearly 
equal to them, with our inferior advantages, would be to 
set our powers of genius far before theirs. 

These reviewers have made such havoc among our 
American authors, that the poor scribblers, like the 
guilty shades fluttering rouud the pavilions of Minos and 
Khadamauthus, have learned to expect no mercy. 

To erect a court of literary taste, however specious 
the pretence, must probably prove detrimental, if not 
ruinous, to the cause attempted to be benefitted. For, 
should it be allowed that correctness and elegance of 
taste are fairly reducible to a standard, (a thing however 
impossible, yet the court in which this cause must be 
tried can be no less than the whole learned world. In so 
wide a range of objects, neither one, ten, an hundred, 
nor a thousand men can be found competent to discern, 
distinguish, compare, and decide ; especially when we 
consider that the character, time, place, circumstances, 
and motives of authors form documents necessary to be 
before such a court. The reviewers themselves fully 
recognized this principle when they were noisy in praise 
of a poem which they thought English ; but so soon as 
they found it to be American, they presently changed 
their note. 

The want of these documents have often led the re- 
viewers into the most sorry and ridiculous errors. Pro- 
ductions have come before them, whose beauties they 
wanted sense and taste to discern, as well as integrity 
and candor to acknowledge. They arc doubtless men 
of some learning, but, unluckily, they have assumed a 
station where, from necessity, their only prop is arro- 
gance — where they are compelled to plunge into matters 
wholly beyond their depth, and deal out criticism by the 
wholesale, without taste or discernment. 



158 LITERATURE. 

But we may safely presume they are actuated by far 
other motives than those of a literary nature. Some of 
them probably write, because they must write or starve : 
others are hankering after the smiles of the great, aud 
are slily throwing out a bait for bishops, minister*, 
lords, &c. Loaves and fishes are at the bottom, whether 
fchej meddle with politics or religion — church or state. 

And, after all, who are those invisible archers, which 
throw their envenomed arrows from behind a curtain, 
and wound the innocent much oftener than the guilty ? 
They derive their consequence from their invisibility. 
They can be regarded in no other light than as a noctur- 
nal banditti who infest the paths of scieuce, and render 
even the excursions of genius perilous and painful. 

To affect to bring every publication in solemn review 
before them — then to decide, in plain and express terms, 
upon its merits — to presume to erect a standard of taste 
to which every thing shall bow — to meddle impertinently, 
to interfere professedly with writers who have appealed 
to the opinion of the public, and are not disposed to ac- 
knowledge any other tribunal, is arrogance and presump- 
tion in the extreme, and without a parallel.* 

The United States can, as yet, boast of no such pro- 
digies in literature as these. But we have men whose 
attainments in the various branches of learning are de- 
cent and respectable ; and whose names will be trans- 
mitted with honor to posterity. We are doubtless war- 
ranted in the assertion, that no country or nation, in so 
short a time, has exhibited more uumerous specimens of 
literary merit. 

The numerous periodical papers, of late years estab- 
lished in this country, have had a share of influence in 
promoting knowledge. It is impossible to form any con- 

l of our American writer?, however, have shewn great 
nesa to worship at \h'i< shrine of pedantry. If they bans 
able to obtain ap as the following* viz. kt A pret- 

\<n -. 10th : or, " This work is not 

tbinl: it may be read with considerable, 

Honlhly Review', Oct Uth: th»y give it a place is 

that of the title : ambitious to 

dw that i »n of the luvkmrs. 

baWy truw, thai (he first set of reviewers 

of talents ; but, that like our continental money, they 



LITERATURE. 15* 

jecture concerning the number of magazines, museums, 
and newspapers umw daily published, beveral of them 
are of a moral aud religious nature — are ably couducted, 
and have unquestionably been attended with very benefi- 
cial effects. 

It must be confessed, that newspapers are not always 
to be regarded as the purest channels of political intelli- 
gence. They are too generally devoted to party, and of 
e to private views/ And since this article is before 
ve cauuot omit the occasion of observing, that 
? al of our public papers have been conducted, not 
by party men at all, but by foreigners, who, could i' be 
presumed that they understand the nature of our govern- 
ment and civil policy, are utterly incapable of feeling 
any interest in, or concern for either. They are in quest 
of wealth and fame, and are decidedly of that descrip- 
tion of fortune hunters who feel no delicacy in th£ choice 
of expedients to accomplish their purposes. That they 
pursue the course they do, is no matter of surprise, since 
they act from temper, habit, and necessity. But it is 
matter of serious regret, that the people of our country 
should give them countenance — be led by them, and 
look up to them as their political guides. If ever the 
blind led the blind, it has been in this very matter. 
Whether they will both fall into the ditch, a few years 
will determine. 

We repeat the observation, that those foreigners, gen- 
erally speaking, who have carried on several public 
papers, and have made much editorial noise in our 
country, are, by no means, to be considered as party 
men. They have, indeed, been the tools of party ; but 
they are of any side which suits their imperious necessi- 
ties : they are any thing — they are every thing — they 
are nothing. Viewing them in this light, their political 
labors, which have indeed been Herculean, will admit 
of the application of the celebrated saying of Horace, 
" Parturiunt monies" &c. Their elaborate, high 
sounding political essays and discussions must be viewed 
as coming from a regular manufactory, from whence the 
good people of this country may always look for stuffs 
of a certain kind and quality. 

We hope we shall not be thought impertinent, when 
we ask what would be the fate of an American printer 

Y 3 



lj-l i ION A I. >l.. 

who should go into London, pi Pa up ins 

political manufactory upon as large a scale 
foreigners do amount us? II e should tell them plainly 
v, hat his designs were: for tl*es« fellows are seldom 
guilty of taciturnity. He should, in fact, begin thus — 
•• Gentlemen, you are an nnkappy people : von have 
great advantages, but do not know bow to improve them. 
1 have come among you to he your saviour — to diffusa 
light through your benighted regions. In tae ftrsl place, 
1 shall correct the abuses of your government, and re- 
duce all things to the uniform rule of justice : I shall 
change your ministry, which ought not to remain any 
longer in the hands of such men as now are in power ; 
and I 6hall put up certain persons who will do sou 
ample justice. As I have leisure, I shall look into all 
your departments of state, and I pledge myself 1 will 
never cease till I have regulated your nation." 

A style like this, from a foreigner, would not pass 
current in any nation under heaven but our own. We 
have heard it, shall I say, with patience — with applause — 
with gratitude. Many of our simple citizens, and simple 
iudeed they must be, have looked up to these loquacious 
parrots, who, to be sure, recite their lessons with 
Avonderful volubility, and have been ready to exclaim, It 
is the voice of God, and not man. 

They have affected to be at the head of the great 
parties into which our country has been unhappily di- 
vided. They have dealt abundantly with great men 
and great things — have, in short, affected to be the 
scourges and purifiers of the times. The fact is. their 
presses have been the common sewers of the times, from 
which have issued streams of filth and falsehood suffi- 
cient to overwhelm and drown every thing but immortal 
truth and virtue. 

NATIONAL ACADEMY. 

The existence of an institution of learning, founded 
aai snob principles, and embracing such objects of in- 
struction as would entitle it to be called a national aca- 
nld it fairly be accomplished, must be of great 
utility and importance. The progress of our schools and 
colleges, considering the age and resources of the country 



NATIONAL ACADEMY. 155 

is certainly respectable and highly flattering to the enter- 
prise and genius of our people. There seems, however, 
to be wanting an important wheel in the system ; which, 
without impairing the value of any one now in motion, 
might act as a primary moving power, aud communicate 
energy and stability to the whole extensive machine. 

It may be thought a degree of arrogance and presump- 
tion to carry our suggestion, on a subject of such delicacy 
and importance, any further. But waving an extreme 
sensibility to diffidence and reserve, we shall further 
suggest that the institution contemplated should embrace 
the general circle of science supposed to be included in 
a liberal education. That, in a special manner, the 
learned languages and mathematics should be carried 
much farther than they commonly are, in this country. 
For, it must be confessed, that our college graduates are, 
as a body, very deficient in those essential branches of 
learning. Though some of our colleges, at the present 
time, are making noble exertions to remedy these defects. 

The English language is professedly taught in all our 
schools of learning. It is, however, not cultivated in 
a manner best calculated to give it that perfection which 
is desirable, and probably attainable. Though profes- 
sedly taught, it seems to be for the most part overlooked 
and lost in the rapid succession of numerous objects con- 
sidered as more directly classical ; and scholars retire 
from school without being perfected, or even well 
grounded in orthography, etymology, syntax or prosody. 
It thence happens that the language of the nurse ever 
predominates over that of the master, provincial dialects 
prevail, and the reflection, sometimes cast upou our col- 
leges, proves but too true, that a collegian as such is 
seldom a good English scholar. 

The commercial and political relations of this coun- 
try to France are already great and still rapidly growing, 
which must render the knowledge of the French language 
necessary to all men of learning and business. A gen- 
eral conviction of this, has, of late years, induced a de- 
sire in many men to give their sons a branch of know- 
ledge deemed so essential. They have been compelled 
to resort to such means as presented, for the obtaining 
of this end. In some instanced their endeavors have 
been crowned with success. But in the greater number 



106 NATIONAL ACADEMY. 

they have resulted in the detection of imposition and 
of course, in failure and disappointment. VVe shall 
■ever have within our power, the certain means of ac- 
quiring the French language, till, in some one or more 
important institutions of learning, it he made a classical 
study. Able professors and masters ^Ray then he obtain- 
ed, and a sure and direct course will be opened to that 
important field of useful and elegant literature. 

History and government, embrace some of the most 
important branches of knowledge which ever invited the 
attention of man. Objects of such maguitade and splen- 
dor should engage and fix the attention of young men 
more strongly and for a much longer time than is usual 
in our seminaries of learning. Instead of forming a 
single science, their necessary elements combine a clus- 
ter of the most elevated sciences, and among classical 
pursuits they are certainly some of the most ardent and 
interesting. 

Oratory is taught in our colleges with little success. 
Boys, who have been well taught in grammar schools, 
are frequently observed to return from college worse 
speakers than they entered. This is not owing to inat- 
tentiou or want of skill in their tutors at college, but 
wholly to want of time. Sciences of such importance 
crowd on so fast, that, in fact, more time must be taken, 
or some things must be neglected. 

The learned professions have certainly been pursued 
in this country with success. But the advantages arising 
from an institution liberally endowed in these respect* 
must be obvious to every reflecting mind. 

Several things must be perceived to be requisite to the 
establishment of such an academy. 

It must be made an object of legislative provision. — 
Reliance could not be had on the resources of individuals. 
It is presumed that it might be made a public expense 
without increasing burthens, involving embarrassments, 
or exciting murmurs. It must be situated centrally, 
rather as to intelligence than territory. Its disci- 
pline must be strict; nor will it probably ever succeed, 
without its governing authorities can, in some way, be 
clothed with civil power. The instructors employed 
must be men of very great learning and abilities ; the 
qualifications for admittance must be high and distinguish- 



NATIONAL ACADEMY. 15? 

ing, and regulated both by age and attainments. The 
term of continuance should be much longer than is usual 
at public schools, nor should a scholar be capable of re- 
ceiving degrees but by merit and a certain age. The 
libraries, apparatus, and salaries, and of course the 
funds of the institution must be great. 

Could such an institution be established in the United 
States, various important benefits would be derived from 
it. It would strongly tend to abolish provincial dialects, 
of course, to improve and perfect our own language, 
which at present, is in danger, from so wide a territory, 
such a compounded mass of society, and so feeble and 
disconnected a plan of education. Nor would its in- 
fluence be less, in forming many eminent literary charac- 
ters ; of which at present we cannot boast. The scien- 
ces of history aud government ably instructed and deeply 
studied would not fail of their salutary effect. 

This institution would rouse all the colleges in the sev- 
eral states to emulation, or rather would rouse the seve- 
ral states to patronize the colleges, and prove, in that 
way, a source of general improvement ; and by that 
mean we should soon rise to a level with the nations of 
Europe in point of literature. In one word, it would 
promote the great interests of literature and government, 
and from the operation of various causes, strengthen the 
harmony and union of the states. 

Several apparent singularities in the preceding plan 
have arisen from a strong conviction that boys are gene* 
rally allowed to finish their education too young. By 
these means many of our finest geniuses are lost to soci- 
ety. They are sent very young to school, where, per- 
haps, they discover marks of genius which excite great 
hopes of future excellence. Parental fondness and the 
vain ambition of the teacher press them rapidly, and of 
course, superficially, through their studies. They are 
hastened away to college, enter, and perhaps graduate 
at fifteen or sixteen years of age. By the time they are 
eighteen, they need to enter freshmen and go through the 
lame course again, to make them decent scholars. 

It is clearly perceived that various deviations from 
this plaM might be necessary in case of actual experiment: 
but uot to enter into the merits of the main question rela- 
tive thereto, we shall only observe that there seems to 



158 NATIONAL ACADEMY. 

be two defects in the plan of education pursued by tL 
people of the United States. The first is the want of a 
sufficient number of men of eminent erudition and litera- 
tim-. The preceding plan, or something similar, would 
tend to remedy this defect. The second is, the dani; 
ous power the great body of the people have in their 
bauds, to neglect the education of their children. Some 
of the wisest nations of antiquity considered that parents 
were not the proper persons to be trusted with the edut 
tion of their children, on account of their natural affec- 
tion and partiality for them. This matter, therefore, 
was under the direction of their council of state, and 
was thought one of its most weighty concerns, as most 
certainly it was. 

The happy effect of establishing schools by law in ev- 
ery district of people of size sufficient for that purp« 
has been demonstrated by experience in various parts of 
this country. Their townships are laid off into districts 
consisting of thirty or forty families each. In each of 
these a board of trustees, or more properly, a school 
committee is appointed. It is the business of this com- 
mit! ee to provide a teacher, who must be examined, ap- 
proved and licensed : and also to superintend the affair* 
of the school. A sum of money is levied upon the town 
sufficient to pay the masters of the several schools, and 
is assessed upon every man, as other taxes are, accord- 
ing to his rateable estate. This money is apportioned 
and paid out to the several districts, according to the 
number of children they contain over four and under six- 
teen \ ears of age. This system has the following ex- 
cellencies : 

1. It compels every man to do his duty : and next to 
the duties a man owes to his maker, probably noue are 
more important thau those he owes to his children. 

i f a man is compelled to pay his school tax whether 
he tend his children to school or not, he will be likely to 
send them, Whereas if his paying be optional, he will 
often be under a strong temptatiou not to pay, and, of 
coarse, neglect the education of his children. 

The poor who may have numerous families, will 

have little to pay. and vet may school all their children. 

I. Alans rich men who have few or no children will 

pa; for the education of tie children of the 



EELIGION. 15$ 

poor, than which, they cannot make a more acceptable 
offering in the sight of heaven, or do mankind a greater 
favor. 

These suggestions are made in the firm persuasion that 
the establishment of schools by law over this widely ex- 
tended country will greatly conduce to promote the hap- 
piness, and perpetuate the liberties of the people. 

RELIGION. 

It is extremely evident that liberty of conscience ig 
among the natural rights of mankind. Nothing can be 
more reasonable than that a man should enjoy his own 
opinions concerning his Maker, and a future state. But 
the unskilfulness of most nations has led them so to 
blend religion with state policy, as to render religious 
disputes a matter of temporal interest. Hence have 
originated innumerable persecutions and wars ; and the 
repose of nations has oftea been interrupted by religious 
quarrels. 

The christian church had scarcely time to take breath 
from the incessant persecutions of the Roman emperors, 
before she began to persecute her own refractory chil- 
dren. In the fury of her misguided zeal she grew in 
tolerant, haughty, and cruel, and, for several centuries, 
seemed to dispute the character of cruelty with the 
worst of the heathen emperors. The reader of history 
is compelled to deplore the persecuting 1 spirit which 
seemed destined to reign and triumph in the midst of all 
the improvements of modern Europe — in the midst, we 
might almost say, of learning, philosophy, and benevo- 
lence : for, however expanded the human mind became, 
however exalted by science and virtue, many of the 
wisest of men could not but think it right that all should 
be compelled to think with them, and subscribe to their 
articles of faith. 

Some honorable efforts had been made in Europe to- 
wards emancipating the minds of men from this tyranni- 
cal chain : but that grand and noble work was effected 
in this country. Here the Ruler of providence planted 
a nation which he designed should give to the universe 
one illustrious specimen of religious freedom. This 
grand exhibition was to be made under every advantage. 



160 1KLIGION. 

The experiment was not left to be effected by some petty 
tribe — souie obscure horde — some remote clan in a cramp- 
ed aud narrow corner, but by a nation possessing one of 
the fairest, most opulent, and extensive political divis- 
ions of the earth — a nation grown numerous by natural 
population — rich by unparalleled iudustry, and power- 
ful by its own inherent firmness, bravery, and virtue. 

In ihe United States, the constitutions both of the 
general and state governments breathe the purest spirit 
of religious liberty. There can be no greater proof of 
this than that such a spirit prevails aud reigns through 
every part of the United States. There exists no sub- 
ordination of sects or parties : every man worships God 
according to the dictates of his own con>cience : no one 
disturbs him : no one rebukes him : the stern features of 
bigotry, if they exist, are kept covered under a double 
veil : the threatening voice of spiritual despotism is never 
heard. 

In the country there are various religious denomina- 
tions, such as Presbyterians, Episcopalians, Baptists, 
Quakers, Methodists, &c. If perfect harmony does not, 
in every instance prevail amongst them, it is more from 
accidental causes, than from any rancour occasioned by 
their distinguishing tenets. While we cannot but observe 
the harmony of the different religious sects with a de- 
gree of pleasure, we lament that such differences 
should exist ; and especially that the breach should be 
unnecessarily widened, as it seems, in some cases, to 
be, where christians put up more bars than their tenet* 
seem to require or justify. 

The enlightening and conversion of the heathen, 
have of late years, considerably engaged the attention 
of the christian world. Attempts have been made in 
Kurope to send missionaries into various parts, for that 

Eurpose, and the people of the United States have also 
11 roused in their attention to the same salutary ob- 
ject ; various denominations of christians have severally 
combined their influence and exertions It is ardently 
to be wished that this business might so prosper as to 
form the leading trait in the religions character of these 
times ; and, especially, that it might form an all im- 
portant era in the history of savage nations, by enroll- 
ing them with civilized and christian people. 



RELIGION. 161 

Our debt to savage nations, both of reparation and 
benevolence, is immense. If the christian be the true 
and only saving religion, of what importance it is that 
they should know it! Their instruction and improvement 
form an object not unworthy even of the patronage of 
government. The voice of humanity loudly bewails 
their deplorable condition. We may safely affirm that 
legislative interference is often employed in matters of 
less magnitude : but we may rest assured that the go- 
vernment of this country will, at least, smile on the 
benevolent designs and endeavors of individuals, and 
will smooth the way for their accomplishment. 

If the prejudices of heathens against Christianity are 
strong, they are fortified in them by facts of a most stub- 
born and glaring nature. They judge of this religion, 
to them unknown, by what they consider the best means 
of judging — the conduct of nations professing it. A 
history of the aggressions of christian nations upon the 
heathen, would form a volume of the most glaring 
crimes. On this score, what a catalogue of enormities 
would be found in the countries and islands of India — 
in Africa — in the West- Indies — in South, and in vari- 
ous parts of North America. What oppression, in- 
justice, and monstrous outrage, the defenceless people 
of those unenlightened climes have suffered, from na- 
tions professing the just, holy, humane and pacific 
principles of Christianity ! 

For those nations thus suffering — thus bleeding with 
recent wounds, it is natural to view in one light the pro- 
fessor, and the religiou professed. 

To this, as a principle cause, it is doubtless owing, 
that so great a part of the world still remains heathen. 
Those nations who have been favored most with the 
light of science and truth, have improved their superior 
advantages to the injury and ruin of their fellow -creatures 
less informed. While christians, as a body, conducted 
agreeable to their principles — while they behaved like 
subjects of the Prince of Peace, success attended their 
doctrines — their institutions spread with rapidity, and 
their missionary labors were not in vain. But those 
happy days have b»en long since past. Christian na- 
tions, once having become powerful, thought no more of 
converting the heathen but by the point of the sword : 

Z 2 



RELIGION. 

ami they have carried on this mode of conversion upoo 
tin' urns! extensive scale, and with a high hand. Mil- 
have fallen a sacrifice, and the. remnant have only 
survived to hale, abhor, and curse the christian name, 
from father to son, lor ever. 

Il is time to think of reparation. But, alas! what 
amends can be made for past ages, and for innumerable 
millions? I forbear to mention the awful reparation 
which even now may he preparing for their ruin. — 
Almighty Providence lias their destroyers in his hand : 
but their blood, even the atrocious guilt of their destruc- 
tion, has descended and rests on the heads of christian 
powers now on the stage of action. They, too, are in 
the hand of the same just Providence which has deter- 
mined their fall. The present severe commotions can 
onlv he re carded as the movements of that liiarh and 
dreadful wheel, which will pass over and crush them, 
and cause them to become like chaff of the summer 
threshing floor. 

May we hope that our infant country is reserved to a 
happier destiny ? Such a hope can only he grounded on 
the idea of our cleaving wholly to the christian character. 
If we do this, we shall not only enjoy the smiles of 
heaven, and the solid and lasting benefits of divine 
protection^ but we shall look on the poor savages, on 
our holders, as our unhappy brethren, and shall not only 
treat them with clemency, but make every possible exer- 
tion for their instruction and improvement. 

It cannot be doubted that the perfect religious freedom 
prevalent in this country is, in some instances, improved 
to thu purposes of licentiousness. It probably tends to 
promote and cherish a great diversity of opinions : per 
haps it is often attended with gross neglects of rclL 
institutions — such as the sabbath, and attendance on 
public worship. It has been accused of favoring infi- 
delity, and leading to the utier ueglect and contempt of 
all religion. Rxperience, however, refutes the accusa- 
tion. I is confidently presumed that religion is regarded 
with ns much sincerity in this country, ns in any, where 
there is le i religions freedom. 

Hut should it even be granted ^m. in some 

instai to be rather ;ed by such un- 



GOVERNMENT. lt>3 

to free government, that it tends to licentiousness in the 
people. The important and incalculable benefit result- 
ing from our religious system, is tliu general diffusion »f 
light and knowledge. When a man is left to choose his 
own religion, the moment he is convinced thai important 
consequences are likely to result from his choic* 
begins to listen — to inquire — to examine — to discuss. 
He finds others engaged in the same puisuit. TLey 
prompt, encourage, and aid one another* It thence hap- 
pens* that no country on earth equals this for religious in- 
quiries. Nor is there any country where the peuplc, as 
a body, are so well informed in religious matters. 

GOVERNMENT. 

The government of the United States 6eems to be 
without a parallel. We find nothing like it in modern 
times : anciently the Greeks had something which re- 
sembled it ; but that resemblance was indeed remote and 
feeble. Their amphictyonic council was little different 
from an assembly of embassadors, saving that they met 
regularly both as to time and place ; and, when con- 
vened, their proceedings were more like some kind of 
supreme court, than a representative legislative body. 

Our government is no less singular as to its nature than 
as to its origin. It is, perhaps, the only government 
which, in all its parts, was the result of plan, foresight, 
or design. Most governments have jumbled into exist- 
ence, from mere accident, by a concurrence of unfore- 
seen events. Great thingi have grown from small be- 
ginnings. Men have been fatigued into compliance with 
the dictates of prompt and daring ambition ; and have 
acquiesced in a system of arbitrary power : but, in our 
case, a number of men, competent to so great a work, 
sat down and planned our government. Before them lay 
the legislation of past ages. They saw the rocks and 
shoals on which many have dashed. They did what 
they could for our benefit. The plan they formed wa6 
dictated by their knowledge of our circumstances ; and 
it is probably the ablest and best plan of government ever 
formed by man. 

In all human concerns, theory and practice are found 
to differ. We shall not so far infringe upon the sphere 



ll>4 

n| the politician as to meddle with the practical {» , 
that is, the administration of our government : nor shall 
ive take any other notice of (lie theory than as ;\ mere 
matter of speculation. No human govcrnm he 

perfect; of course, the best ever devised by mortal I 
must he subject to changes, inconvenienci 
and, ultimately, to dissolution. Man himself must fail ; 
and can it be thought strange that all his works should, 
ui that respect, resemble him ? 

Some writers insist that a government, in order to 
have virtue, strength, and duration, must combine the 
three principles of monarchy, aristocracy, and demo- 
cracy. It cannot he doubted that monarchy is tin 
strongest form of government — aristocracy lias the most 
wisdom, and democracy the most virtue. Could a govern- 
nient be formed which would unite the strength ol 
monarchy without its tyranny — the wisdom of aristocracy 
without its ambition ; and the virtue of democracy with 
out its weakness and folly, that form would be the best 
Our government is wholly without the monarchical 
branch : it only combines aristocracy with republican- 
ism. The probability is, that, though republican in 
theory, it will, in the course of events, become, in a 
great measure, aristocratical. Our executive power is 
weak, and the aristocratical tendency of the whole ma- 
chine too obvious to escape the notice of any one who 
looks attentively at it. Power and influence can never he 
long separated from wealth. Many governments, in 
theory, have professed to confer honor and office bv 
merit. No theory has been more specious than ours : 
but, in this country, the honors and offices will be con- 
trolled by a chain of influence, whose last link will be 
made fas! by a golden staple. True, it may be said 
that our government is elective, and almost every man is 
eligible to office. But what is our chief magistrate ? 
He is elevated at the head of several millions of people. 
If there is such a thins; as a natural aristocracy in so- 
ciety, he must he from that class. He must be a man of 
the most elevated dignity — a man of a mind far superioi 
to other mini, and whose lifr, character, circumstances, 
and fortunes have combined to raise him far above the 
common level. Hence, though the office is elective, yet 
it is as completely beyond the reach of the great mass of 
the people, as though it was hereditary. 



GOVERNMENT. 165 

Let it be supposed that there are seven men in the 
United States adequate to the discharge of the duties of 
President. Their depth can only he fathomed, and their 
qualifications traced, by men of nearly equal capacity. 
The great body of the people never saw, and never will 
see those seven. They must be made known to (he 
community, by men of an intermediate grade of intelli- 
gence, who are still far above the common level. Per- 
haps one hundred men must be the sources of intelligence 
to the millions who compose the nation : nor yet can this 
hundred act upon the community, but by another inter- 
mediate grade, consisting, we will say, of a thousand. 
Thus it appears that our right of suffrage, in the election 
of our chief magistrate, is an immensely complicated 
system of influence, interest, favor, confidence, and 
proxy. A chain of influence, composed of ten thou- 
sand links, aud divided into ten thousand branches, de- 
scends with tortuous course to the great body of the 
people. Nobody can tell where or how it begins. If it 
is corrupt in its source, it seldom grows purer in its pro- 
pagation ; or, if it arise from a pure fountain, it is often 
checked and defeated in its progress. One man tells me 
to vote for A — another tells me to vote for B. I know 
nothing of A or B, but from the distant and discordant 
murmurs of common fame. I decide the important 
question, therefore, not by comparing the qualifications 
of A and B, but by balancing the integrity and good 
sense of two persons much nearer me, by whom A and 
B are recommended. 

And who are the senators of the United States? They 
are two in number from each state. They should be, as 
all acknowledge, men of great abilities — great integrity, 
and supereminent virtue. They can be found only in 
the highest and most dignified walks of life : they must 
be men, the general current of whose lives has evinced 
their greatness and integrity — of course, men rarely to 
be found. They must be selected from the happy few, 
who, by a peculiar destiny, are fit to be entrusted with 
the most arduous and important concerns of a nation. 
The right of suffrage, therefore, in the great body of the 
people, avails no more than this, viz. to say which one 
of the few shall be the man ; nor can they say that, till 
they are told which one shall be the man, by some-bod? 
who kaows him better than they do. 



166 UOVKRNIIENT 

The same observations apply with equal force to the 
choice of the members of tiie house of representatives. 
We will suppose that each member of that house has 
forty thousand constituents : not one fourth of them have 
any personal knowledge kA' him, or any knowledge of 
him at all, but by information from, perhaps, some man, 
who knows some man. who knows some man, &e. who 
knows hi..i better than they do. It amounts to this, that, 
from among the few qualified for that important office, 
one mu elected, and it should be the one who is the 

bea g forty thousand. As a general principle, it 

wil \ that this office will be obtained by the most 

opulent, ii.ji.it utial, or intriguing men in society — men 
elevated far above the common level ; and sometimes 
men who are strangers to the views, feelings, and in- 
terests of the great body of the people. Therefore, al- 
ii. /Ugh we have no titles of nobility in our country, yet 
branches of government being organized and 
made up of men of a class superior in point of intellect, 
interest, influence, and, we might add, of intrigue, it 
can scarcely be doubted that it will, one day or other, 
tend to aristocracy. 

A government, composed of branches from different 
classes of men — which branches, in the proper exercise 
of their powers will be actuated by an opposition of in- 
terest and prerogative, will check and balance itself, and 
by action and re-action, w ill preserve an equilibrium ; 
but when all parts of government are from men of one 
class — ha\e but one interest, and lean the same way, the 
consequence is obvious. In a word, in the formation of 
governments, allow ance should be made for man as a 
selfish being; and, in the different branches, that selfish- 
ness should be so situated as to impel them in different 
directions. When a man's interest leads him to do 
right, we have the surest pledge of his conduct. 

In our country, the vast objects to be disposed of by 
periodical and frequent elections, will be a fruitful 
source of contention, difficulty and danger. The 
amplest field for chicanery and intrigue will be opened 
that ever existed. Merit is generally modest, and rather 
seeks concealment, w bile ambition assumes a thousand 
forms of disguise — stoops to the meanest art6, aud is 
always noisy for the public gosd. 



GOVERNMENT. 1$7 

The co-existent powers of the general and state go- 
vernments, especially in the legislative and judiciary 
departments, render the whole machine as complicated 
as it is great. It will require time, and, it is feared, 
more wisdom and virtue than are common to mankind to 
define their respective limits — to adjust duly their inter- 
fering claims — to extend or restrain their jurisdictions as 
may be necessary on future emergencies. 

One of the most serious evils to which the constitution 
of our government is liable, (and the same may be said 
of all written constitutions), is the power, caprice, am- 
biguity, and fallacy of construction.. The instrument is 
very concise, though perhaps nothing of a similar nature 
was ever more explicit and intelligible. The political 
tactician, however, can easily demonstrate that no system 
of law or form of government can be couched in such 
language as to be beyond the reach of sophistry. The 
clearest, most forcible, and positive expressions, are 
liable to constructions, glosses, colorings, and perver- 
sion. It is remarkable that some of the greatest and 
most important political disputes in this country have 
arisen respecting the intent and meaning of the consti- 
tution. In those disputes, not only the people at large, 
but even statesmen, have actually taken different sides, 
and maintained the controversy in the most strenuous 
manner. 

But without virtue in the people, indeed, without great 
wisdom and circumspection, the best theory that ever ex- 
isted on paper, will be like a paper wall opposed to the 
cannon's mouth. The wisest regulations — the best laws, 
will be censured as unconstitutional, through mere per- 
version : the constitution itself will be assailed, under 
pretext of amendment ; it will be curtailed, mutilated, 
undermined, and destroyed. Nothing can prevent evils 
of this nature, but public virtue. 

The vast disparity among the different states will ul- 
timately prove a source of danger to our government. — 
So long as human nature remains what it now is, men 
will not fail to avail themselves of the power put into 
their hands, and, generally, to selfish purposes. While 
some of the states are a kingdoms of Eu- 

rope, others are quite diminutive, and, principle 

of equal represent at] in the 



168 GOVERNMENT, 

general government. An equality in the Senate can hy 
no means give the small states an cqui-pondcrance, since 
in the lower house, the essential laws of the union gen- 
erally originate. On this rock, the Grecian republics 
were ruined. Though it must be confessed we are far 
better provided for against the evil than they were, 
our provision will prove ineffectual : the larger states 
will be likely to predominate and govern. This will o< 
easion negotiations, combinations, and intrigues, till, at. 
length, Lacedemon, Athens, or Thebes, will rule the 
rest. 

The theorist cannot but sec defect in our judiciary 
system. The judiciary department, under every free 
government, is the proper guard of the laws : but, in 
our country, the laws of the uniou are, in a great mea- 
sure, left to the guardianship of courts, whose existence 
depends on the state legislatures. It may, indeed, be 
said, that this will serve to guarantee the liberties of 
each state. Will it do this — or rather will it not repose 
the security of the general government on the virtue of 
each individual state ? — a prop too feeble for the weight 
it sustains. The causes of which the federal court holds 
jurisdiction are few, and of small importance, compared 
with the vast pecuniary concerns of the state courts ; 
while, on the other hand, the legislative concerns of the 
general government as much outweigh those of the 
several states. It amounts to this, that the legislative 
power of this country is holden by the general govern- 
ment — the judicial by the several states. It will also 
serve to set tnis matter in a stronger light, by observing 
that it has been the manifest policy of some of the larger 
states to lessen the sphere, and diminish the importance 
of the federal courts. 

No organ of government can be considered as complete 
in which there does not exist a plenitude of legislative, 
executive, and judicial powers. The general govern- 
ment legislates and looks to the state judiciaries for the 
carrying of its laws into effect. But if, as many assert, 
the state governments are to operate as a check upon the 
general government — if they are to he considered as the 
anchor of our liberties, how plausible will be their pre- 
text, and how frequent their opportunities for opposing 
the laws of the union In the present ••aim of public 



ftOVERNMENT. 169 

passion, and reign of virtue, while, as yet, many of 
those patriots are alive who first asserted and accomplish- 
ed our freedom from a foreign yoke, there is, perhaps^ 
little danger from these sources ; hut the time may come 
when things shall he quite altered. Such a time probahly 
will come long before our population shall equal the 
means of subsistence in our country. 

To give symmetry aud permanence to our system of 
government, oue would be induced, from pursuing the 
preceding train of reflections, to think that our federal 
judiciary should be as extensive in its jurisdiction as the 
legislature. Perhaps, however, the importance of the 
state judiciaries is necessary to the subsistence of the 
states iu their distinct capacity. How far, and in what 
sense are the individual states independent? How far 
are they consolidated ? What is the nature and strength 
of their union? How is that union to be preserved, 
and how long will it last. 

THE SPIRIT OF OUR GOVERNMENT AS IT 
RELATES TO FOREIGNERS. 

No government was ever more benevolent or liberal to 
foreigners than that of the United States. It has holden. 
out to them the greatest encouragements ; nor has it dis- 
appointed their expectations. When arrived in this 
country, they have been fostered and cherished with the 
greatest care aud sympathy for their lonesome and exi- 
led condition. They have been taken by the hand, not 
only by our citizens, but by the government itself — they 
have not only been aided in business, but have been mad* 
citizens, and honored with the public confidence, by ap- 
pointments to offices under the government. 

The object of our people and of the government itself, 
in this matter, has doubtless first been to promote emigra- 
tions from Europe. The first settlers in this country, 
while it was yet a mighty wilderness, considered them- 
selves as in a kind of voluntary exile. 

They seemed for a long time to want nothing so much 
as inhabitants. Even after they had grown so numerous 
as to feel no fear of the savages, still there was an al- 
most boundless continent before them. They felt the 
want of people on all accounts : to clear off the woods. 

A 3 



170 GOVERNMENT. 

to cultivate the lands — to carry on the manual arts — to 
promote the liberal sciences; and, in short, for nil t] 
grand objects of peace and war. 

To them nothing; was so desirable as the arrival of 
new settlers. The) solicited emigrations, and received 
and caressed strangers from all nations with tho utmost 
warmth and sincerity. 

This disposition becoming habitual and universal, it 
descended from father to son, and lost nothing even by 
that revolution which severed us from Great Britain and 
made us an independent nation. When the present fed- 
eral government was formed, it could not but savor of 
those notions of government which were co-extensive 
with the Anglo-Americans, and had been coeval with 
their first settlement in this country. An immense coun- 
try — few people — a territory, but the margin of which 
was as yet settled — universal liberty, botli civil and i 
ligious — freedom of thought and speech — great sincerity 
of mind and simplicity of manners — respect for, and 
confidence in strangers coming to live amongst us, were 
objects whose influence predominated in the minds of all 
classes, not excepting those who formed our state con- 
stitutions. 

To increase the population of our extensive territo- 
ries, provision was made for the encouragement of emi- 
gration. The warm benevolence of individuals, prompt 
ed them to institute societies for the aid of emigrants, and 
legal provision was made that, in a short time, and with 
little trouble they might become our fellow citizens, and 
partake of all the privileges and immunities of our coun- 
try Nor did our zeal to promote the cause of foreigners 
stop here. Several of them, in various parts, were pro- 
moted to offices of considerable trust and importance, and 
were allowed to share largely in the honors, powers, 
and emoluments of government. 

The people of the United states in their favor to fo- 
reigners, were prompted by purer motives than those of 
-elfish nature. Although they saw their interest in an 
in< f population, yet humanity. itself, and that of 

!h most generous and elevated nature, had much influ- 
•e in this business. They wished their country might 
be an asylum for the poor and oppressed from all nations. 
It w r as their ambition to give strangers, who wanted a 



GOVERNMENT. I7i 

country and a home, so welcome a reception, and afford 
them such privileges, as to efface from their memories the 
days of their affliction and distress, or to cause them to 
be remembered only to heighten the contrast of their pre- 
sent good fortune and felicity. Many an unhappy exile 
can, with great propriety, say, J was a stranger and 
ye took me in. 

It is not unlikely, however, that the future historian 
will be compelled to say that our government, in relation 
to foreigners, erred through excess of benevolence and 
urbanity. In general the incentives to emigration were 
both needless and unsafe. From the natural progress of 
population, our increase was great almost without a par- 
allel. Far distant from the desolatiug wars of Kurope, 
our fathers dwelt in the bosom of peace and plenty, and, 
under the smiles of Providence, had yearly accessions 
of strength more to be relied on than mercenary armies, 
or any description of foreign emigrants. 

The rapid increase of any nation, by means of an in- 
flux of foreigners, is dangerous to the repose of that na- 
tion; especially if the number of emigrants bears any 
considerable proportion to the old inhabitants. Even if 
that proportion is very small, the tendency of the thing 
is injurious, unless the new comers are more civilized and 
more virtuous, and have at the same time, the same ideas 
and feelings about government. But if they are more vicious, 
they will corrupt — if less industrious, they will promote 
idleness — if they have different ideas of government, 
they will contend — if the same, they will intrigue and 
interfere. 

The people brought up in the bosom of the British 
kingdoms are essentially different from us both in their 
views and feelings about government. Though they 
may use the same words that we use — though they ex- 
press the same abhorrence of tyranny and oppression, 
yet liberty, considered as a creature of the mind, is 
with them a different thing from what it is with us. It 
is no difficult matter to account for the licentious views 
of liberty, and the romantic ideas of the freedom of this 
country, entertained by the lower classes of Europeans. 
From their infancy they have associated with government 
and law, the idea of tyranny and injustice, and with 
liberty, a state of society as unrestrained as a state of 



*75 UOVEHl 

nature. WJien they mine into (Ins count iy ;uid find law 
ami government pf p sU rnor cast than they had figured 
to themselves, they soon grow discontented and 
. olution. 

The history of Rome furnishes a striking instance of 
the deplorable effects ot an inliux of strangers into a 
country. After the Romans had conquered Cart I. 
Greece, Asia, and Gaul, Italy presently was filled with 
enterprising emigrants from all quarters. Though they 
came, as it were, singly, and as humble suppliants, yet 
they, in effect, conquered their conquerors : they inuu- , 
dated all Italy : the majesty of (he ancient Romans was 
obscured, overwhelmed, and utterly lost in an innumera- 
ble swarm of foreigners : the evil came on by slow and 
imperceptible degrees, but was at last irresistible and 
fatal. These were the persons generally employed in 
the civil wars. A multitude made up of such people is 
always fickle, inflammatory, outrageous, vindictive, and 
burning with ambition to level all distinctions. 

It is not a common case that the most valuable mem- 
bers of society emigrate. As it was in the days of Da- 
vid, whosoever was in debt, or discontented, or in dis- 
tress, fled to the cave of Adullam, and by that mean his 
army grew apace : so it generally is in cases of t migra- 
tion. Though many worthy characters are found in so 
great an emigration as has been to this country, yet. for 
the most part, they are poor, distressed, overwhelmed 
with calamities, discontented, oppressed by the tyranny 
of their government sometimes, but more commonly by 
their own vices or imprudence. 

The people of every country are the most suitable to 
govern their own country. Could Pitt and Fox be re- 
stored to life, they would not make good legislators in 
America. If, indeed, in a few illustrious instances it 
would do, as there is no general rule without exceptions, 
yet the principle here laid down is certainly correct. In 
whatever country foreigners interfere with government, 
the tendency of that interference in a change either for 
better or for worse ; and the tendency of changes, espe 
cially when the effect of blind causes, is but too well 
known. 

The frame of our government is probably as faultless 
as can be expected in this imperfect world : its ultimate 



GOVERNMENT. 173 

success must then depend upon its being wisely ad- 
ministered. Relative to that article our security lies in 
our elections. As, in our form of government, the right 
of suffrage is among the most important of civil rights, it 
should be preserved inviolate ; but it should be guarded 
with the severest caution. Foreigners who arrive in this 
country seldom come with an expectation of becoming 
legislators here. Their confidence in our government 
probably brought them hither, where they ought not to 
hope for more than complete secnrity of life, liberty, and 
property. More than such security would, in the end, 
work injury to themselves. 

To illustrate the subject, we will state an extreme 
case. We will suppose the government of the United 
States wholly given into the hands of strangers and 
foreigners. An arrangement of this nature, every one 
must see, would, by completely ruining the country, 
ruin all it contains — foreigners as well as citizens. From 
this, to descend to a case of a much lower nature, we 
will only suppose that every foreigner, on, or soon after 
his arrival, should be vested with some office of govern- 
ment. From such a provision two great evils would 
arise : — first, strangers would flock to our shores in 
swarms and clouds, like the locusts of Egypt $ nor 
would they all be of the most meritorious class : and 
secondly, the offices filled by these people would gene- 
rally be wretchedly discharged. They would have 
neither the ability nor the disposition to discharge their 
duty, according to our notions of duty : nor would it 
remedy the difficulty, should it be granted that their no- 
tions were more correct than ours. 

From both of the preceding cases, which are more or 
less extreme, we will now descend to the thing as it is. 
Every foreigner, soon after ins arrival in our country, by 
a course neither circuitous, expensive, nor long, be- 
comes a citizen in the fullest sense. He is one of the 
sovereign- people of this couutry — is an elector, and 
eligible to all offices. He immediately becomes a poli- 
tician — is profound in the science of government — is able 
to set all thiugs right. From his cradle his ideas of law 
and government have been closely associated with the 
most direful images of fear, terror, a.nd resentment ; and 
he views liberty as some wild, enchanting mountain 



17$ COVERNMENT. 

nymph, roving through fields spread wide and adorned 
with flowers. With these views of law and liberty, he 
sets himself indefatigably at work, to mend the course 
of things. He declaims against oppression— flames with 
zeal for liberty, and seldom fails to be at the head or tail 
of innovation and reform — perhaps of insurrection. 

It is worthy of remark that emigrants from Kurope arc 
from a more advanced state of society than is generally 
found in this country ; or, at least, an older state. It 
thence happens that many of them, even of the lowest 
grade, have a certain knowledge of mankind, the neces- 
sary result of mingling with an immense mass of popu- 
lation. This knowledge, indeed, is chiefly made up of 
vanity and vice ; but it helps them to great volubility of 
tongue, smartness of reply, and a seeming knowledge 
of things, which, handed out on all occasions, readily 
sets many people to staring at them as something ex 
traordinary. For this very reason, many of them vul- 
garly pass for people of great information, especially 
in the circulating politics of the day ; of course they are 
pushed forward into offices of considerable responsibility. 

The republic of Athens guarded the avenues to citizen- 
ship with great strictness. With them, foreigners could 
ouly become citizens in their great grand children. — 
Their policy, in this respect, seemed not only safe, but 
necessary. Their state was so small that, could 
foreigners have gained admittance, they would soon 
have outnumbered them. It is as dangerous to be out- 
witted as outnumbered ; and it would be the true policy 
of the United States to admit no foreigner ever to the 
right of suffrage. No person should hereafter become a 
citizen but by being born within the United States. 

Far be it that this rule should extend to the disfran- 
chising of such as have by any means already obtained 
citizen* hip. Many of them came amongst us when their 
arrival was fortunate for us, and it should certainly 
prove so to them. Their presence gave countenance, and 
their assistance strength. But those days are past, and 
a similar occasion will never return. For the future in- 
crease of our cilizeqs we may now safely rely on the 
prolific and legitimate powers of nature, and all other 
means of increase .should be rejected as an acquisition 
highly dangerous, even as a surreptitious gain. 



GOVERNMENT. 176 

Lit foreigners find in this country an asylum of rest — 
an escape from oppression. Here let them buy, and 
build, and plant — let them spread and flourish, pursuing 
interest and happiness in every mode of life Which enter- 
prise can suggest or reason justify, and let them be ex- 
onerated from the toils of government. We do not need 
their hands to steady the ark. If we make good laws, 
they will share the benefit — if bad ones, the blame will 
not be theirs. Let their children, born amongst us, be- 
come citizens by birth-right. 

POPULAR ELECTIONS. 

In elective governments the most important point to be 
settled is who shall have the right of suffrage — who shall 
be the electors ? Surely, if this right were always to be 
exercised by wise and virtuous men, none but such wouflJ 
be chosen into office. — But where the power to choose is 
lodged in bad hands, it is probable that bad men will be 
chosen. Hence the old but true maxim, that the happi- 
ness of elective governments depends on the virtue of 
the people. 

The conduct of the people of the United States, 
hitherto, has been such as will entitle them to the charac- 
ter of a wise and virtuous people ; with, perhaps, some 
small deductions. Could it be relied on, that we should 
always remain as virtuous as we now are, and perhaps a 
little more so, it must be granted that the right of suffrage 
was put into exactly the right hands. Let us indulge 
the pleasing hope that, as a nation, we shall not remain 
stationary in our present attainments of political virtue, 
but shall continually progress in the same, and also in 
knowledge, till we shall become, to a man, a nation of 
patriots and statesmen. 

In spite of the most flattering hopes, considering the 
various means by which the number of citizens is daily 
and rapidly increased, it must be allowed to be possible 
that the people of this country will grow far more cor- 
rupt. They certainly have the common inducements and 
temptations to that end. If ever the people of any 
country were corrupted by an influx of foreigners, of dif- 
ferent habits, manners, and customs, we are in danger : 
if a sudden increase of wealth, luxury, effeminacy, ex- 



176 GOVERNMENT 

travagance, and dissipation ever corrupted any nation, 
we are in danger : if it is possible lor artful ami design- 
ing men to assail the virtues of the lower class of people 
to palm their ambitious schemes upon the unwary — to 
imposr ,i)ii ignorance and simplicity, we are in danger. 

Tiic causes of public corruption and national depravi- 
ty, at first, are slow and work unseen. They begin to 
operate by insensible degrees, and are always perceived 
l)\ that part of the community on which their opera- 
tion is most fatal. If such causes exist in this country, 
however much the good sense and virtue of the people 
may retard their operation for awhile, yet they may at 
length produce their utmost effects ; for the same causes, 
under similar circumstances, will infallibly produce the 
same effects. 

When that time shall come (and it may prove to be a 
>^ry di-tant day,) our elections will, in some degree, re- 
semble those of ancient Home, in the latter stages of 
the republic ; when Caesar relied chiefly on an armed 
force which he knew to be devoted to his interest — when 
Pompey sought the favor of the people by popular laws, 
and wheu the opuleut Crassus sought the same, by mak- 
ing dinuers and various donations to a rabble, consisting 
of half a million of people. 

The right of suffrage, in the hands of a multitude of 
ignorant, indigent, and vicious men, is but another name 
for throwing the whole number of their votes in favor of 
any artful, aspiring demagogue, who will purchase them 
at the highest price. Nor are they, indeed, very cosOy, 
being purchased for the most part, with empty flattery, 
and false promises. The celebrated Crassus was proba- 
bly the most liberal purchaser of popular favor, to be 
found in the annals of history. He supported the poor 
of Rome at his own expense, for about nine months. It 
must have cost him ten millions of dollars, according to 
the present value of specie. The most unlucky part of 
the business Was, that the rabble, after they had eaten up 
all he could well spare, in a. most raseally manner for- 
sook him for Pompey, who only tickled their ears with 
handsomi cl «i Pompey they as soon forsook 

to gaze o;i I military splendor of Caesar. Caesar was 
far tooganei is and magnanimous: they presently put 
! aside, and received in his place a stern, profound, 



GOVERNMENT. iJ7 

and artful tyrant, under whom they humhly kissed flie 
rod, and lay down to their burthens forever. 

If popular favor is sometimes cheaply purchased, it 
nevertheless always costs more than it is worth. For 
what is it? To answer this question, we need the pen 
of Shakspeare, who has given us a definition of the 
word honor. It is an hour, or a day, or a month's exis- 
tence in the blasting, pestiferous breath of folly and 
falsehood. The favorite name undulates in air to-day 
with boisterous acclamations of praise — to-morrow with 
hideous imprecations and deadly curses ; and, at all 
times, with grosser fumes than float around the tables of 
the Gods, after quaffing deeply of their immortal nectar. 
Yet demagogues, in every age, have made this same 
popularity their supreme deity: and many, poor souls ! 
who could net give what Crassus gave to purchase it, 
have given more — viz. their character, integrity, and 
conscience : at least, should character, integrity, and 
conscience be thought worth more than ten million of dol- 
lars ; of which probably, some may doubt. 

Should the time ever arrive when there will be an im- 
mense multitude of people in the United States, and es- 
pecially about the great cities, whose indigence will ren- 
der them easily assailable by bribes, donations, and lar- 
gesses — whose peculiar circumstances will render them 
actually dependent on the rich and enterprising, and whose 
habits of life and thinking will render them promptly 
subservient to the views of artful and ambitious men, at 
least by suffrage, if not by arms ; it must be granted that 
at such a time, and under such circumstances, the right 
of suffrage would certainly give that class a weight in 
government to which they are by no means entitled, upon 
any principle of equity, rational freedom, or public 
safety. Is not that time already come ? It has come, but 
it never will be past : the evident symptoms by which 
its arrival is indicated will never slacken their urgency, 
but will gain strength with our population, from year 
to year. 

To determine who shall have the right of voting in a 
popular government, is not among the smallest difficul- 
ties* No line of qualifications can be drawn, free from 
objection or embarrassment. If a plan could be devised 
which would recognise the rights of each individual, and 



178 VKKNMRKT. 

afford complete security to the public, that would be tin 
one to be preferred. If that is not attainable, the near- 
approximation to it must be sought. In a country 
United States, where the lauded interest is by 

far the most important — where laud is very plenty, and 
very cheap, lauded property should, beyond doubt, be 
made a qualification necessary to the right of suffrage. 
No person slum Id he allowed to act as an elector, even 
of a state representative, but such as possessed real or 
landed property. A regulation of this nature exists in 
so ne of the states. Its happy influence i* apparent, and 
will be more so. Those states, from that very cause, 
will preserve their liberties longer than any other part of 
the union. 

The right of suffrage thus guarded, it must be con- 
fessed, that in a few instances, injustice would seem to 
be the consequence. It would exclude some from 
voting — some who are certainly very amiable and useful 
members of society : but eases of this nature would be 
rare ; and much rarer than might be expected from a 
slight view of the subject. If it excluded a few worthy 
prisons, it would at least exclude a thousand to one who 
are certainly unworthy. By such a provision vast num- 
bers would be debarred from approaching the poll, who. 
if we might be indulged in a little levity, might almost 
take the oath of a certain comical fellow, who swore 
that neither he, nor Ids father, nor his grandfather be- 
fore him, were ever- worth five pounds ; and what lias 
more, that he never would be worth that sum. 

It should be remembered that every person in this 
country, possessing property, of whatever description, 
might easily possess land. The popular objection to the 
measure, that it would disfranchise the mercantile in- 
terest, is certainly void of foundation. Merchants have 
property, and, if for no other reason, they might pur- 
chase land, in order to comply with a regulation founded, 
in the strongest reasons. The great body of those 
utterly unable to possess land are pet sons to whom tht 
right of voting would absolutely be no privilege. As 
for property or character to defend, they have none : 
generally of the lowest grades of intellect and informa- 
tion, they have no political theory to espouse, or errors 
to combat. 



GOVERNMENT. 17i) 

These last observations apply exclusively to the 
lowest grade of people in and about great cities. In the 
country, every prudent, industrious man knows that he 
«an, almost at his option, possess land. It is within his 
reach ; and the savings of a few years industry will pur- 
chase him a decent little farm — at least as large as that 
of the great Cincinnatus. In the states above alluded to, 
where landed property is made requisite to the elective 
franchise, prodigious benefits are found to result from 
the regulation, to the people themselves. It stimulates 
them to seek and acquire real property. A man there 
disdains the idea of not being a freeholder : he imme- 
diately sets himself about purchasing a little land : 
ambition spurs him on : he saves every shilling till he 
attains to the darling object. By the time he has paid for 
his little farm, the habits of industry and economy are 
confirmed. He then enlarges his views — strives after 
and is (generally speaking) successful in acquiring a 
handsome property. The principle here advocated, in 
this way, becomes a source of noble ambition, virtuous 
habits, and real felicity to thousands. 

If multitudes, swarming about great cities, and more 
thinly scattered through every part of the country, form 
a numerous class, to whom the right of suffrage cannot 
possibly be any privilege, their holding and exercising 
that right will be attended with deplorable and incalcula- 
ble evils to that class to whom the right is most dear and 
sacred. Enterprising and ambitious men, who know 
their own utter dereliction of all principle, and their 
eternal exclusion from the walks of honor and virtue, 
well know that these people have no minds of their 
own. They will be perpetually intriguing among them. 
They will not fail to condense and concentrate their 
otherwise scattered opinions, and throw all their w eight 
into one scale. It is ueedless to say what scale that will 
be. The intriguing and ambitious knowing how impos- 
sible it is, and will ever be, for themselves to rise by 
merit, have their eye constantly upon this class of people 
as the true source of their elevation to power. 

It is time the people of this country were made sensi- 
ble of their danger. Their progress in the path of cor- 
ruption is rapid ; and by holding the door to citizenship 
so wide, and making the elective franchise so cheap 



180 CONXLUSK 

thqr invite all si rs, and allure all tin sta of 

fortune's children to hover upon our coasts like a cloud 
of harpies — yea, to plunge into our public affairs, to put 
ihonlder to the wheel and push us on to destruction. 

The rage for office and the spirit of electioneering 
have made no small progress ; but more or less of these 
evils must always he expected to accompany the privi- 
leges of a free and popular government. It is doubtless 
the highest wisdom of every American to endeavor to 
give stability to our present frame of government, and 
perpetuity to our national union : to strive to moderate 
the passions and harmonize the jarring interests of 
parties. And much is to be hoped for from the wisdom 
and virtue of the American people. A storm seems to be 
gathering at a distance, we know not where it will fall, 
it therefore becomes every friend of his country to be cir- 
cumspect, wise, firm, and united. 

CONCLUSION. 

Thus have we attempted to delineate the great line of 
history. Beginning with the infancy of our race, we 
have seen the world overspread witli people, divided 
into* numerous nations and languages. We have seen the 
mighty fabric of social, political, and religious order 
g by degrees — assuming various forms — diffusing 
its benign influence over mankind, and descending down 
through all ages, with additional improvements, to our 
own times. Having traced but a single line through the, 
immensity of human concerns, we have left, on either 
hand of our course, extensive fields unexplored. To 
them, we now recommend the young reader to turn his 
attention ; with an assurance, that lie will receive the 
richest remuneration for his labors. 

Having arrived at our own times, we have adventured 
a transient glance at the present state of our species in 
Hie world. We are compelled to say that the prospect 
over Asia and Africa is gloomy — over Europe it is 
doubtful, and, on the whole, we both see and feel 
numerous reasons of gratitude to Divine providence who 
has cast our lot in America 



cs or HISTORY. 181 

THE IMPORTANCE OF HISTORICAL 
RNOWLkDGE. 

WHETHER we regard profit or pleasure, historical 
knowledge is of use. As history abounds with I 
novelty, and grandeur, it opens various sources of plea- 
sure to the imagination : aud as it brings up before us 
transactions numerous, past, and distant, it assists ex- 
perience, by presenting, in one view, the causes and 
consequences of great events. 

The life of one man is far too short, and the sphere of 
his observation too small to acquire an adequate know- 
ledge either of what is, what has been done, or what is 
now doing in the world : but as there is a certain uni- 
formity in homan character and action, we may, with a 
degree of safety, judge of the future by the past and 
present. The tendency of certain things to the happi- 
ness of nations, and the reverse — the origin and pro- 
gress — the wane and dissolution of empires, can only be 
discovered by the light of history : nor is there any 
narural light by which we can more clearly see the in- 
fluence of character, morals, art, and science, on the 
happiness of man. 

At what period of life the study of history should 
commence, is a point which remains unsettled. Per- 
haps no subject of equal literary importance has been 
less regarded — less systematized, or less pursued than 
the study of history : it has hardly been considered as a 
part of education, either liberal o* professional, and, 
for the most part becomes a bye business — deferred till 
late — sacrificed to inferior objects, or neglected alto- 
gether. A variety of facts lead us to conclude it should 
be entered upon much earlier than the common practice 
points out. The body of history is simple narration — a 
species of instruction adapted to the first openings of a 
young mind ; on which deep and strong impressions are 
easily made. It is a common thing to put children, at 
an early age, to learn the rules of arithmetic — the gram- 
matical construction of language, or even the mathe- 
matical sciences : which thiugs are farther beyond the 
reach of their capacity than history, at the time — more 
difficult te> he remembered, and of less importance. 



182 USES OP HISTORY. 

Battles and sieges, the strong lustre of great characi 
memorable events — indeed, .Ml the most prominent fea- 
tures of history, impress our minds with extraordinary 
pleasure or disgust, and commonly leave indelible 
marks, especially if made while young. The histories 
of nations are, generally speaking, but the histories of 
mens' passions delineated ; for that reason, they strike 
deeper into the mind — move the passions more, and are 
longer felt than cool, unimpassioued reasonings, and cu- 
rious speculations. 

A small acquaintance with the outlines of geography 
seems the only prerequisite to the study of history. The 
student should have some idea of the figure and motion 
of the earth — of the general divisions of land and wa- 
ter — the positions and extent of the continents, islands 
and oceans : and this is easily gained by a few short les- 
sons on the globe. 

A habit of application is necessary, in order to make 
progress in any study, or to arrive at emineuce in any 
sphere of life. Our most ardent endeavors, here should 
not be wanting; and when once this point is gained, the 
hill of science may be easily ascended. Having suffi- 
ciently glanced over the main tract, the student may then 
return, and be directed in reading a regular course of 
ancient history. 

Knowledge of history strongly inculcates the prefe- 
rence of virtue to vice, and the folly of human ambition. 
We there learn, that men elevated on the summit of 
earthly glory, are less safe, and far less happy than 
those in the humbler walks of life: their fall is uo less cer- 
tain — commonly more sudden, and always more dread- 
ful. The historian can compare the modes of life, the 
customs of different ages and countries, and the effects 
of different religions and governments on his specie 
study which tends to free the mind from bigotry and su- 
perstition ; and in such a mighty course of events, makes 
a man feel his weakness and insignificance. By the light 
of history, human affairs resemble a stormy sea. They 
foam and rage under the dire agency of tremendous pas- 
sions, though subject to the higher control of almighty 
power. All human institutions are seen mouldering away; 
and the works of art, however solid, beautiful or grand, 
either by the ravages of time ©r the blind fury of mortals, 



USES ©F HISTORY. 188 

all perish. These views diminish self-importance, and 
leave the mind to seek higher grounds of confidence and 
hope. The historian sees all nations, in every age, uni- 
ting in a belief of G d — adoring him as the first cause — 
confiding in him as the ultimate, end of creatures, and is 
naturally led into a code of morality which censures cer- 
tain actions and characters, as they tend to disorder, 
misery, and ruin. 

The light of history unveils many characters ; it dis- 
closes the features of the ambitious tyrant and aspirng 
demagogue — the masked hypocrite — the stern bigot, and 
subtle politician. True history is a gem of inestimable 
value. It seems almost to remedy the defects of human 
foresight. We there learn how shortsighted many legis- 
lators have been in promulgating laws, utterly inconsis- 
tent with the good of society : for while the statesman, 
in the busy scenes of life, is bewildered in the ambigu- 
ity of probable effects, and, like a pilot, who cannot feel 
his helm, cannot discern the drift of empire, the histo- 
rian, calmly seated in the shade of contemplation, lifts 
his perspective — begins at the spring, and carefully tra- 
ces the tortuous course of governments and empires — 
sees them, like a river, dashing over precipices, majes- 
tically rolling through plains, or disappearing in the 
ocean. 

Having travelled in thought over these extensive and 
diversified fields, he returns to the occurrences of his 
own time, matured with the experience of ages, furnish- 
ed with principles and remarks drawn from the sublimest 
exhibitions of virtue, contrasted with every thing hate- 
ful in the human character. In walking among the se- 
pulchres of empires, he sees hung up, as beacons, the ca- 
tastrophies of all ancient governments : he beholds, with 
emotions of wonder, pity, and dread, and sometimes 
weeps over the inevitable destiny of human institutions. 
These views at once expand and enrich the soul, which 
feels a mournful, but sublime pleasure, in tracing the 
vestiges of exalted virtue among the monuments of 
antiquity. 

The statesman, politician, and legislator will derive 
essential benefit from the knowledge of history : since it 
is there alone he can trace the origin and operation, and, 
of course, the excellencies and defects of the various 



184 USES OF HISTORY. 

forms of government. From the grand monarchies oi 
Cyrus, Alexander, and Caesar, he may pass down to 
those of China, Turkey, and Russia, as they now 
are ; or from the republics of aneient to those of modern 
times. He may compare the vices of great, with those 
of small states : and especially, he may contrast the 
virtues of rising, with the vices of decliuing states. The 
important conclusions he will he able to draw from these 
comparisons, will form a counterpart to the pleasures he 
will derive from a review of those sublime fields of 
knowledge. 

The statesman who is acquainted with the history of 
nations and governments, will penetrate the false glosses 
which sophistry can give to visionary theories. Far 
other motives, than the charm of novelty, will be nee 
sary to induce him to put the welfare of his country at 
a hazard, on the doubtful issue of experiments. His 
experience is matured by the wisdom of past ages ; and 
with him all the various expedients of artful, ambitious, 
and aspiring men are so perfectly comprehended and 
seen through, that they are even become trite or thread- 
bare : he has often seen them acted over — often detected, 
often despised. 

The philosopher, whose ruling propensity is the love 
of truth and knowledge, finds perpetual gratification in 
the pages of history. With pleasure he traces the 
streams of science from their first fountains. If his be- 
nevolent sensibilities are often pained, he is more than 
compensated by viewing the stupendous wheel of human 
affairs rolling through all ages ; and if 

" The proper study of mankind is man," 

the history of nations is the book comprehending that 
important science ; and without the reading of which a 
man must always remain a child. History and philo- 
sophy are auxiliaries to each other in expanding and en- 
riching the mind. For the while the former presents be- 
fore us innumerable shades of character — innumerable 
minds acting under the influence of various propensity 
while all human concerns, from those of the humble 
shepherd, to those of the universal monarch, there soli- 
ait our attention, invite our esteem and challenge our ad 



USES OP HISTORY. 185 

miration, philosophy conducts us to some commanding 
eminence, and Lids us take a view of the universe. — 
There an expanse opens which no imagination can com- 
pass : through the illimitable tracts of space we contem- 
plate worlds of light profusely, yet permanently planted; 
their numbers incalculable, and their distances incon- 
ceivable : there globes roll around us, in comparison 
with which, our earth diminishes as it were to nothing.**- 
Man is but " an atom of an atom world ;" and the gen- 
erations of six thousand years, to beings of superior na- 
tures, appear like the successive tribes of insects, 
which, in the morning, sport on the surface, and, er« 
sunset, are lost in the bosom of the troubled lake. 

The philosopher so far from envying the proud mon- 
archy of the earth, looks on them as objects of pity : and 
is so far from coveting a share of their glory, that he 
cau only desire them to " stand from between him and 
the sun." 

History affords many considerations calculated to con- 
firm the faith and strengthen the hopes of the christian. 
To say nothing of the fulfilment of scripture prophecies, 
concerning the ancient monarchies and Jewish and chris- 
tian churches, history in general shews, that man's cha- 
racter, in all ages has been uniform-— that he is a depra- 
ved creature, and may convince us, that if he ever rises 
from this depraved and selfish state, it must be by other 
means than his own exertions — it uniformly corroborates 
the idea, that as sin and misery, so virtue and happiness 
are connected ; and hence we infer the excellency of 
virtue, and the turpitude of vice. 

A careful attention to the general course of events, 
as related in history, will strengthen the mind to the be- 
lief in a wise, powerful, overruling, and universal 
providence. Whoever looks upon the workmanship of 
a clock, will acknowledge it to be the work of design ; 
and so will he who observes the revolutions of the hea- 
venly bodies, the change of the seasons, the mechanism 
of an animal body, or even the structure of any of its 
particular parts, as an eye or an ear. But in no part of 
nature is an overruling power more clearly seen than in 
the origin — the rise — the prosperity — the decline and 
fall of a nation : a:id, by a due attention t« these 

C 3 



186 

;s, we may discover the wisdom, justice, and good 

of Divine Providence. 

Kvery member of a free, enlightened republic, should, 

h\ all means, read history. In a nation where popular 

opinion must be the Supreme arbiter, of what immense 

importance is it that that opinion should be corrected by 

om and experience ; otherwise the political m 
will wander, wide upon tempestuous seas, and be lost 
among locks and whirlpools. 

The study of history is peculiarly adapted to the 
minds of youth. In that period of life the intellectual 
powers are expanding — the passions taking direction, 
and lie character is rapidly forming. In that season of 
improvement, emulation, and hope, a habit of reading 
should be formed, and care should be taken that the 
taste of the mind be not vitiated and rendered wavering 
by the prevalence of any species of reading which leaves 
it flighty and capricious. Alas ! how many of the day* 
and years of youth are wasted without improvement — 
are utterly lost to every valuable and every noble pur 
pose ! We too seldom begin to think till we are incapa- 
ble of action. The whole season of youth, in the 
greater number of instances, is so passed away as to 
draw after it an age barren of knowledge and virtue — a 
bleak and comfortless season of care, decrepitude and 
sorrow ! Such is the perverseness in many that they 
will not be instructed by the experience of others.— 
Youth will not derive improvement from age, in those 
points most interesting and important. 

Although the present design is to urge the importance 
of historical information, yet many of the same argu- 
ments apply with equal force to general readiug. Such 
a- have opportunity, (and that number is larger than is 
rail) thought;) should read many things beside? 
ory. 
Theological reading, which certainly should begin 
with the IJiblc, is \w\ important. A thorough acquain- 
tance with religious doctrines deeply concerns the wel- 
fare of all i !. It i- astonishing to see the igno- 
rance of many persons on these subjects. They have, 
per ha JJ s for many years, enjoyed advantages of reli- 
is instruction but have never used them to any effect. — 
The being and perfections of God, the immortality of the 



USES OFHISTOm. 187 

soul — an endless 9tate of rewards and punishments. — a 
change so amazing as that of death — the unknown real- 
ities of the coming world, in short, the immensity of God's 
kingdom and government — the infinitely varied works of 
creation, and what man is to himself as aconscious bein 
arc objects which seem to call for the utmost exertion or 
all our iuteller.tualpowers. To survey, to inquire, to learn, 
and t j know, in the midst of a world of such woudei 
demands man's noblest faculties, and certainly furnish 
for them the noblest employment. 

But the disease of our race seems to be stupidity. — 
Many, too many plod on through life, thinking only of 
the present. They scarcely send forward a thought into 
futurity, till they come upon the brink of the precip; 
and it is then too late, even to acquire any settled opin- 
ions, or make any preparations. A life of the most ex- 
treme thoughtlessness is closed with a few hours of 
gloomy, intense, ineffable anxiety and horror. 

True religion as appertaining to the mind, consists in 
just views and virtuous dispositions. N Its genuine tenden- 
cy is to lead men to the most careful discharge of the du- 
ties of life ; but does not stop here : it awakens in a man 
a due sense of his various relations to things temporal 
and things eternal. It holds up to his understanding a 
superior light whereby he perceives clearly that his best 
inheritance is in his immortal state. In firm expectation 
and confidence of future happiness, he is resigned to 
the course of Providence, aud waits patiently the con- 
summation of his hopes. 

The propensity prevalent in the human mind to neglect 
religious studies, extends itself to the neglect of all 
mental cultivation ; and it is no uncommon thing for peo 
pie to neglect their minds altogether. Among the east- 
ern nations there are some who regard religion in the 
light we do law or physic : that is, an occupation to 
be followed by a certain class of men. If, instead of 
the word religion, we substitute the phrase, cultivation 
of the mind, such a class may be found almost anywhere, 
even in our own country. They complain that they 
have no time — that they are pressed by bnsiness ? — 
How many hours in the day do they attend to business r 

&do they employ their evenings? how do they spend 
abbath ? The fact is, they have too much time : it 



18$ •■•',]: 

bangs, a dead w< ight, u|M>u fcbeir hands: their businc> 

rp( in ;i IV \v » B8, is shorter, by several 

Lours, than the. day : their dull insipid evening lo- 

/,ed away in a vacuity of thought. Perhaps they ^un- 
to a neighbor's house, where their conversation is of 
loo trivial, and absurd a nature te admit of being specifi- 
ed in a serious discourse: or perhaps they fall upon 
some amusement for the express purpose of killing time, 
as some are pleased to style it : or, in other words to pass 
away the evening, and escape that ennui which often 
seizes the vacant mind. 

Rilling time ! " Time," says the poet, " is the stuff 
that life is made of." To waste time is to squander the 
main ingredient of life, one of the richest of heaven's 
blessings. O, righteous heaven, remember it not against 
(hem in the great day of trial ! lest it swell the catalogue 
of their crimes past all forgiveness. As for their sab- 
baths, instituted for the benevolent purpose of suspend- 
ing servile labor, aud acquiring the knowledge of their 
ator, they are slept or idled away : yet these people 
say that they have no time to devote to the improvements 
of the mind. One of the most important questions a man 
can ask himself, is, how his time has been spent. To 
judge of its full import, let us consider what sensations 
it will excite, when, with imperative tone, it shall ob- 
trude itself upon him in the hour of death. 

The most excellent and important of all books is 
doubtless the Bible. It contains a glorious manifesta- 
tion of God's character, perfections, and government, 
together with the character, duty, and obligations of 
men. and the only way of life and salvation. It is the 
felicity of the present day to possess not only this in- 
valuable book, but to abound in religious writings, of 
various descriptions, calculated to strengthen the faith, 
and cherish the virtues of the christian. Books of this 
nature are indispensably necessary to a well chosen 
library. They abound in discourses which will gi 
light, comfort, aud encouragement to a man, when all 
human sciences — even when all earthly things however 
ndid and beautiful, are fading in his e 
That species of reading, next in importance to divini- 
ty, is history. There is seen the rise and fall of st 
ul empires. On one page is delineated the caus 






USBS OF HISTORY. 189 

their prosperity, and on another, of their decline 

History represents the great concerns of nations in 
miniature. The picture is grand, but somewhat gloomy ; 
and the correspondent sensations in him who examines 
it, if at times elevated and delightful, will not fail to be 
shaded over with melancholy, softened, however, by 
the distance, and rendered sublime by the magnificence 
and glory of the object. The historian, however long 
he walk under the embowering laurel and olive, must at' 
length repose under the cypress shade. 



'KOKOiOGICAL TABJL 



CHRONOLOGY OF THE PATRIARCH:-. 



CREATION and formation of Adam 

and Ere, 

Birth of Cain, 

of Abel, ------.-. 

ofStth, - - - 

of EuO?, -----.--. 

of Caiiian, 

of Mahalalcel, - 

of Jared, - - - - 

of Enoch, 

of Methuselah, 

of Ltmcch, 

of Noah, 

of Japht t, ----.-.. 

of Haui, - - - 

of SJbem, - 

TH« DILL'tE. 

Eirth of Arphaxad, - 
S iah, - - 
of Eb*r, 
of Peleg, - 

of Heu, --- . 

of Serug, 

- - 
of Terah, 

of Abram, ... 
of Sarah, 

to .Mesopotamia, 
; of Abram, - 
i in Canaan— Abrara and Lot go 

into Eeypt, 
Biilh of Ishmael - 



B. CI 

'Sodom conMimrd, - 
•1004 Circumcision • stablished, 
4003 Birth of Isaac, - 
4002J Isaac marries Rebecca, - - 
3874 Birth of Jacob, - 
3799 of Reuben, 

3710 of Sinieod, 

3009 ofJudah,- 

3544 of Dan, - 

3412 of Naphtali, - 

3317 of Gad, - 

3l:>0 of I?sacbar, 

of Aihur, 
2443 of Zabulon, - 

2447 of Levi, - 

2440 of Joseph, 

J-icob return? to Canaan, - 
2340 Birth of Benjamin, 

loseph *old iuto Egypt, 

become minister of F. 



- 






191U 






male 



.am, ?on of Kohath, 

of Aaron son of Amram, - 

Edict of Pbarcoh against the 

children of the Hebrews, 
Birth of Moses, > >n of Amram, 

eturui into Egypt to deliver 
and bring back the Hebrews, 



B.C. 
1897 
1897 

13% 

1836 
1753 
1749 

1712 

1710 

1706 
1630 

1573 

1191 



THE GOVERNORS AND JUDGES OF THE JEWS. 



B. C. 



■ 

- 

Abimelech, 

- 



>n born 



B. C 

1209 
1187 
1181 
1174 

1155 
1115 
1991 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 
CHRONOLOGICAL REGAL TABLES. 



191 



B. Cj 

KINGS OF THE JEWS 

- 
• id or Ishbosheth, - 108a 

a David a :©ae from 1093 to - - WIS 

-00, - - - 1015 

of the kingdoms of Judah and 
Israel, 975 



KJNGS OF JT.DAH. 
Two tribes. 

1. Reboboam, - 

2. Abija 

Isa, - - 

4. Jeho-haphat. 

5. Jehoram, - 

6. Amoziah, 

- 
8. Joash,- - 
9 Anaaziah, - 

- 

'. .'.33. - - 

- 

13 He 

- 
16. Josiab, - 

hoahaz, - 
aoiakim, - - 

19. Jehoiachin, 

20. Jedekiah, - 

uchadoezzar destroyed Jerusa- 
lem. - 



OF ASSYRIA. 



!. Belus or Nimrod, 

; built Nineveh, 
3. Semiramis, 
- I 

5. Arius, 

6. Araliu?, 

-: 5 or Balaras, 
% Arnjamitheus, 
9. Belochus, - 

10. Balaus, 

11. Setbos or AJtharfna, 

12. Mamythns, 

I ^nchaleus. 
„aruf, - 
I ^mylus. - 



'43k 



am 



KINGS OF ISRAEL. 

Ten tribes. 

1. Jeroboam I, 

2. Nadab, - 

iiba, - 

4. Elah, 

5. Zimri, 

6. Osnri, 

7. Ahab. 

8. Abaziah, 

9. Jehoram, - 

10. Jehn, 

11. Jeoahaz, 

12. Joash, 

13. Jeroboam II, 

rfnom 11 1-2 year?, 
- 
13. Menahem, 

- 
IT. Pekehiah, - 
- 
19. Hosea, 
Sbslmane«er, kiog of Assyria, destroyed. 



bossn 



Ac .bu;, 

- 
Thins 
Dercylus, - 
Eiipaerr.e?, o: E.::a'.e«. 
Laosthenes, 
Pyritiac 
Oph-i:n:eu«, 
Ephrahere;, 

Ocraxares, or Anacyndarax, 
Sardanapalus, 



B.C 



2229 

AM 

2042 
2012 
1972 
1942 
1904 

i-:t*» 

1817 
1785 
1755 

1727 

lb75 
1633 
1595 
1350 
1495 
1463 
1445 
1415 
1370 
\\yiS 
1321 
1289 

1203 
1158 
1120 
M0 

1053 
1013 
975 
930 
9S0 
879 
827 
717 



NEW KFNGS OF THE ME 

1. Arbaces revolted against Sardan- 

apalua, - 
The Medes subdued by the A 
nans, - 

2. Dejoces, - 

3 Phraortes. - - 

.ns in Asia, 
• 
aians driven out, 
r Darius, 
6. Cyrus with A5tyagej, 



•m 

710 
657 
635 

en 

596 

Ml 



NEW KING- OF A-SVRIA, OR 
NINEVEH 

1. Pbul called also Ninas, 

2. Tiglath FUeser, - 



192 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 



B C. 




A. C. 


■nneter takes Samaria, 








. 




16 Phraatace, less than a month, 




>ldon, 


TH> 


17. Orodes li, a few moot 


61 


i a iddon taken Babylon, 


680 


18. Vonones I, 


1 • 


■ >sdnchinus, 




tabauwlH, 


18 


6. Clinaladan or Saraciu, 


wa 


date*, 




^opolimr, 




established, 


36 


8. Nabopolasaai or Nebuchodono-oi 


m 


21. Cinaoe, a few days 




9. Evil Merodu-k. 




Artabanes, re-e tablished, 




10. Ldborosocliord with x 


Mil 


Died, 


o 


ll I, iboiosochoid alone. 


556 


22. Vanl 


13 


niadius, Lubyniti>s, 




23. Goti 




or Belshazzar, - 


556 


i itjs i established, 




13. Darius Medus or Astyages, 


538 


Gotharee re-established 1 . - 


17 






24. Vooones II, a few mouths, 


50 






1, 
20. Artabanes IV, 


./0 






50 


KINGS OF BABYLON. 




27. Ricore, - 


90 






28. Lhosroes, - - - - 


107 


1. Belesis, - 


770 


29. Perthamaspares, - 
Chosroes re-established, 


117 


2. Nabonassar, 






3. Nadius, - 


733 


30. Voloteses II, 


m 


4 Cincerti.s, - 




31. Voloeesei III, 

32. Artao ines V, 


211 


5. Jngaeus. .... 






8. .Ma.l >dmpade or Merodac Baladat 


1,721 


Dethroned by Artaxerxes, 




7. Arc mis, - 


70!) 


Died in 


229 


In'e eg;Qum, 








8. Beam,?; .... 


7. "J 


■ 




9. A JDrtdius, 


699 






10 


693 


KINGS OF PARTHLA AND PERSIA 


■Tiordac, - 


692 






|2. c-a,h;'ddon, king of Assyria, take« 


I. Artaxerxes, 


225 


Barylon. 


680 


2. Sapor I, - 


238 






3. Hormiidas I, 
4.Vararanes I, of Boh ram, 


269 








KING ■ OF THE PERSIANS. 




5. Vararanes 11, - 








6. Narses, .... 




I. r ''UF, - 


536 


7. Hormisdas II, 


^03 


•')y.-<e9, ... 
3. ... 


520 


8. Sapor 11, - 


310 




9. Artaxerxes II, 


380 


4. m.- !, wn of Hystaspes, 




10. Sapor III, 


384 


xe. ; the Gr. 




11. Vararanes III, 


389 


> LoDgimanus, - 


465 


Jegirdes I, 


399 


7. X' no si ... 




13. Vararanes IV, 


420 


8 Sogdi :nus - - - - 


424 


14. Jesdegirdes 11, - 


440 


. 




15. Prozes, - 


457 


1U. \ t ixerxea Mneinon, 


40.) 


16. Balasces, or Obalas, 


488 


<xerxes Ochus, 


360 


17. (avades, or Kobad, 


499 


12. Arsea, - 


330 


13 Oio?roes the Great, 


531 


r odomamis, 


330 


19. Hemisda* 111, 


579 


14. Alexander the Great, 


331 


20. Cho^roea II, 


590 






21. Shoes, 8 months, 


628 






'leser, 7 months, 
bazas, 2 month?, 


629 








KINGS OF THE PARTH 




2\. Jonrandakht, 16 morths, 








25. Jesdegirdes III, last kin?, - 




'ace? I, - 


256 






2. Tyridatei", or Arsaces II, 


2*! 










3. Artabanes I, 


217 






4. Phrmpatius, 




NEW KINGS OF PERSIA. 




'dates, - 








6 Mithridates I, - - - 


164 


1. Tamerlane, 


1398 


7. Fhraates If, 


138 


His descendants were expelled, 




8. Artabanei 11, - 




Caasao, in - 




& Mithridates II, the Great, 




3. Jacob, - - 




,'kiies. 


m 


1. Jalaver, - 


1435 


11. Sinathroces, 




5. Baytancor, 




12 PhraatesllI, 


70 


6. Rustan, - 


1490 


13. Mithridates Ifl, - 


BJ 


7. Aelimed, liurner, 


1497 


14. Orodes, or Yrodes, 


53 


8. AWarid, - 




li Phraates IV, 


:;: 






He reigned 10 wars till the fourth 






•f Jesus Christ. 









CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 



SGPHPS. 

- 
- 
- 
Mahommcd Hodabeude, 
ed, 
III, 
the Great, 



Mahmound, 

:er, 
Thames II, deposed, 
- 
ISadir Shiw, 

Assassinated in 



KINGS OF EGYPT. 



44 
45. 



1663 



Commencing at the NintUtrtn Dynasty. 

Harnesses, - 
Rhampse?, 
Amenophis III, - 
Amenophis IV, - 
Rarae— 
Ammenemes, 
Thnoris, 
Niche, 
Psammathis, 
Unknown, 
Certos, - 
Rhampaes, - 
Amenses, - 
Oehiras, - 

-, - 

-. or Polibus, 

, or Pbusannu?, - 



A C.I 

'■-ammetiens, 
cho, 

- 
or Ephrues, 
158 50. PerrhamL", 
1585 51. Amasi*, 
158652. Psammenites, 

53 Cambyses conquers Egypt, 
- M. Smerdis, the M3gian, 
1666*5. Darin; I! 
1794 56 Xerxes I, the Great. 
17_1 07 Artaxerxes Longimannus, 
- 
SqgdiuHB, 
173260. Ochus, - 
173661. Amyrtheus, 

mm ttes, 1, - 
1747 

- 
ites II, - 

66. Nectambe I, 

67. Tachos, - 
. >*ectambe II, 

69. Artaxerxes Ochus, - 

70. Ar*es, or Arsames, 

71. Darius Codomannus, 
ler the Great, - 

■, - 

delphus, 

zetes, 

- 



■ 

II, 

nder, - 
:: Berenice. . - 

BeTtnice. 
Ptolemeus ! Auletes, 

1314 



B. C 

17U 
116 
600 
594 
575 
569 
526 

522 
486 

424 
424 
424 
413 
407 
389 
376 
370 
375 
363 
362 
350 
339 
336 
332 
322 
285 
246 

204 

146 
116 
106 



Osochor, - 
Amenophis, 



Pinachc- 



s, or Shishack, 



aowo, 

Taceliotia, - 

/ Unknown, 

r'etub 

:o, 
QU& 

- 

Sabason I. - 



£>elaon, 



84 Ptolemeus Dionyshis and Cleopatra 
.^ter, 
1237 85. Ptolemeus the Younger, and Cleo- 
12U9 tra, - 

- 
_ypt became a Roman province, - 
1112 

1066 

1062 

1053 KINGS OF SYRIA. 

1047 

aoor, 
_. Antiochus I, Soter, 
}. Antiochus II, Deus, 

Leucus II, Callincius, - 
Seleucus III. Ceraunu--, - 
6. Antiochus III, the G 

7 Seleucus IV T , Philopater, - 
8. Antiocbu; IV, Epiphana, 

8 AntiociMM V, Eupator, - 
iO. Dem- triiis I, <*oter, 

\-nder I, Balaa, 

12. Demetrius I], Nicanor, - 

13. Antiochus VI, Balas, 

14. D. >U5, 

- 
De; Ik icon re-establish- 

ed ... 

Juder II, Zebina, - 

- VIII. Gripus. - 

I) 



811 

698 



312 
2K2 

247 
227 
224 
187 
176 
164 
162 
151 
146 
145 
14?? 
139 

131 

129 
127 



101 



CdROKOLOGlCAL TABLfca. 



-, - 

DUB, 

XI, - 
- Ill, with Autiochus 

zranes, king of Armenia, 

-XII, the Asiatic, 
• came a Roman province, « 



I i. Adrian, 
. Antoniui I 

elius, and 
18. Lucius Vena. 
93 relius alone, 

til 19. Commodu \ 



Ml 

1W1 
180 



KINGS OF THE LATIN" & 
1. Jam)?, 

'Mill, 

3. Picu», or Jupiter, 

4. Faunus, or Mercury, 

itinus, 

6. jEDeaa the Troian, * 

7. Ascaniug, or Julius, - 

8. Silvius Posthumus, 

oeaa Silvius, 

10. Latinus Silvius, 

1 1. Alba Silvius, 

12. Capetts or Silvius Attf. 

13. Capya, 
11. Cajpetus, 
15. Tiberinus, • 

JxlSiX; : : 

48. Aventinus, - 

19. Procaa, 

20. Numitor, 

•lulius dethroned NumiUr, 
Numiter re-establitiied bv Romulus and 
Remus, 



KINGS OF ROME- 

1. Romulus, - 
Romulus assassinated in the senate, 
Interregnum of one year, 

2. Numa Pompilius, 
ii. Tullus Hostilius, 

Alba destroyed, 
4. Ancus Martius, 
b. Tarquin the Elder, • 

6. Servius Tullus, 

7. Tarnuin the Proud, 

Last king of the Romans, expelled, 



ROMAN EMPERORS. 



63 

20. 

21 

1197 -JO. 

IOO834. 

946 38. 

933J37. 
925 38. 

10. 
II. 

42, 

u. 

14. 

710 51. 
639'53, 

634 
55. 
36. 

58. 



884 
864 

800 

7j5 



I. Julius Caesar, 
1!. Augusta - 

3. Tiberius, 
iligula, 

5. Claudius, 

6. NY 

7. Galba, 

8. Otho, 

9. Vitelliui, 

10. VespasiaBj 

11. Titus, km son, 

12. Domitian. 

13. Nerva, 
It, Tntfa*. 



DICUII 09 THl IMFIM. 

Pertinax, 
Julian Ondn-. 
(Septra. Severn*. 

ilia and Geta, 
rVfacriDOS, 
H« li< gabalus, 
Uei Serena, 

Maximin, 

Gordian the Elder and Gordian his 

M>n, one month and six days, - 
Maximus and Ralbinus", 
Gordian the Younger, 
Philip the Elder, and Philip his eon, 
Dec-ius, 

Hoelilianuj, » 
Gallus and Volusian his son, 
Emilius, 4 months, 
Valerian and Gallein his son, 
Claudius II, and Quintilian, 17 days 
Aurelian, 

Tacitus 6 months, and/ 
Florian 3 months, S 

Probiis, 
Canis^ 

( Carinus a nd h is brother, 

JNnmerian, 

\ I ioclesian and Maximin, 

J Hercules, 

.litiusChlorus. 
■-, 
ill, - 

Licinius, 

Constantine, 
Constaotine the Younger, 

ICoitstantius and 

jConstam, 
Julian the Apostate, - 
Jovian, 

fHK tMPIRB DIVIDED. 

tValentinian I, in the west, 

) Valens in the east, - 
Gratian, 
Valentinian II, 
Theodosius the Great, 



117 



244 
251 

270 
275 

276 

276 
282 
283 
285 
285 
305 
306 
311 
311 

340 
3jQ 
361 
364 
309 



375 
370 
388 

39S 



30 



ROMAN EMPERORS OF THE H'EST. 

n I, - 364 

nd valetinisu 377 

tilt- Great, and Gratian, 380 

383 

395 

Romp. - - 408 

, 7 months, - 42? 

I rit in uidGaul 



Valentinun 111 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 



11. Petroniui Maximum, 

12. Avitus, a few months, 
Interregnum, 

13. Majorun, 

14. Sevems, 
Interregnum, 

15. Anmemius, - 

16. Otybius, 7 months, 
Interregnum, 

17. Glycerins, 

18. Julius Nepos, 

19. Augustulus, - 



KINGS OF ITALY. 

1 . Odoacer reigned in 

2. Theodoric, - 

3. Alaric, 

t Theodatus, - 

-ites, 
Ji. Theodebald, - 

7. Araric, 

8. Totila, 

9. Tejas, the last kin£, - 
-Narses, governor. 



A. C.J 
455 35. 
455 :J6. 



457 

459|38. 

461 



457 
467 

472 
472 
473 
47 J 

47 J 



476 



III. 
II. 

42. 

43. 

14. 

|5, 

16. 

17. 
48. 
49. 
50. 
51. 
52. 



493 53. 



526 
531 
538 
541 
541 
541 
551 



HI 



11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16, 
17. 
18. 
19. 
20. 
21. 

23. 

24. 
25. 
26. 

28. 
29. 
30. 
31. 



ROMAN EMPERORS OP THE EAST. 

1. Valens, 

2. Gratian, 

3. Theodosius the Great, 

4. Arcadius, 
£• Theodosius N, the Younger, 

6. Marcien, . . ' 

7. Leo I, - 

8. Leo II, the Younger, - 

9. Zeno, - 5 ' . 
{ Basiliscus Marcien, 
i and Leonee, 

An«>stasius I, 

Justin I, 

Justinian I, - 

Justin II, 

Tiberias, 

Maurice, 

Phocas ? 

Herachus, 

Heraclius Constantine, C months 

*Ioracliauus, 7 months, - 

Tiberias, a few days, - 

Constance, 

Maurice and Gregory, usurper?, 
. Constantine Pogonat, - . 

. Justinian II, - 
. Leoaf>e, 

AbMinare Tiberius, 
Philip Bardanus, 
Anastatius IJ, 
Theodosius III, 

Leo III, the Isauricn, - 
Constantine IV, 
Artabasde, J 
Nicephorus, > assumed 
Nicetas, \ 
Leo IV, Chazau, 

Constantino V, - '. 

} Aud Irene, £mpr« 
Irene alone, 



364 
370 
386 

395 
468 
450 

45; 

474 

4 91 



518 

527 

565 

578 

. r .8 

60 

610 

6J1 

641 

611 

If 4 1 

663 



GO. 
61. 
B2. 

03. 

64. 
85. 

oe. 

67. 
68. 

1 

71. 
72. 
73. 
74. 



Nicephorus, 

Staurace, 2 months, 

Michael I, Curopo: 

Leo V, the Armenian, 

Michael IJ, the Stammerer, 

Theophilus, - 

Michael III, 

Basil I 

Leo VI, the Philosopher, 

Alexander, - 

Constantine VI, 1 

feL. f between 9. 5i 

Stephen, J 

Constantine alone, from 949 to - 

Roman II, - 

Nicephoras Phocas, 

John Zemisus, 

Basil II, 

Constantine VII, 

Roman Iff, - 

Michael IV, - 

Michael V, - 

Zoa and Theodora, 2 months, 

Constantine VIII, 

Theodora restored 

Michael VI, 

Isaac Comnennes, 

Constantine X, Ducas, 
Constantino Ducas, and Michael 

Andronicus Ducas, - 
Roman Diogenes, 
Michael Andronicus Ducas, 
Nicephor Botooi"te, 
Alexis Comnennes, 
John Comnennes, 
Manuel Comnennes, 
Alexis Comnennes, 
Adron. Comnennes, 
Isaac L'Ange, 
Alexis L'Ange Comnennes, 
Alexis Ducas Murtzufle, 



1U5 

A. C 

811 
811 

873 
820 
829 
812 

380 
Oil 
912 



948 



96» 
969 
976 
102J 
1023 
103J 
1041 
1042 

mi 

1056 
1057 
lOjJ) 
1067 

1063 
1071 
1078 
■1081 
1118 
1143 
1180 
1183 
1185 
1185 
1203 
1204 



CALIPHS OF THE SARACENS. 



9. 
635 10 

€95(11. 

70513. 
711 14 
713 15 
715 16. 
711 17. 
775 18. 

119. 

120. 

780 22. 



Mahomet from 622 to 

Aboubekir, - 

Omar, 

Othoian, 

Moavia in Egypt, 

Ali in Arabia^ 

Hasan, 

Moavia alone, 

Yesid I, 

Moavia II, - 

Mirvan I, 

Abdomakc, 

Yalid, 

Soliman, - , 

Omar II, 

Yesid II, 

n, 
Yalid II, - 
Yesid III, - 
Ibrahim, 
Mirvan II, - 
Aborel Abba», 
Abougiafai Almnnsor, 
Alouammed Mahadi, - 
Hadi, 



744 
714 
750 



196 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 



I. i'l, 

- 
n, 

SI. M 

tain Billah, 

- 
thadi Billah, 
ii ii Billah, 
uh, 
ctafi Billah, 
der Billah, 
- 
Lhadi, 
I .tiki, 
ostakfi, 
41. Mothi, 
vii, 

47. Kaiein Bamrillah, 
'18. Mnctadi Bamrillah, 

ihea, 
M). Mostarched, 

51. Resell ic, 

52. Moetafill, - 

53. Mostanged, - 

54. Mostadi, 

55. Nasser, 

56. Dxher, 

57. Mostanser, - 
Mostanser, - 



EMPERORS OF GERMANY 

I. Charlemagne, 

'I. Louis le Debonnaire, - 

3. lx)thaire 1, - 

4 Louis 11, 

5. Charles Bald, 

Interregnum 3 years. 
a Charles the Gross, 
7. Guy, 

3. Arnold, - • 

9. Bereneer and Lambert, 
bill, 

II. Conrad I, 

12. Henry l'Oisileur, 

13. Otho, the Great, 

14. Olholl, 

15. 'Hho I M, 

16. Henry II, 

orad II, - 

13 llnrylll, - 

ory IV - 
30 Henry V, 

'Jinire II, - 

crad Ml, - 

ric !, Barbarossa, 

• I, - 

■II, : 
m.ad IV, - 

Hi!li..n., 

Interregnum until 
29. R urg, 

, - 
Albert of Austria, 






nit; 
974 
901 
1031 
107J 
1094 
1118 
1135 
1130 
lltiO 
1170 
1180 
1225 
1226 
1248 
1258 



800 
814 
840 
855 
875 



;y VII, of Luxemburg, 

- 
IV, - 
Winceblaus, - - 

Deposed in - 
Robert, Palatine of the Rhhn 

Moravia, I month*, 
Sicisround of Luxemburg, 
Albert II of Austria, - 
Frederic III, 
Maxiuiilidn I, 

V, 
Ferdinand I, 
M vimilian II, 
Rodolph II, - 
M;ithias, 
17. Ferdinand II, 
48. Ferdinand III, 
19. Leopold I, - 
ph I, 

..Its VI, - 
Charles VII, from l712to 
Francis I, duke of Louvaln, 
Joseph II, 
Leopold 11, - 
Francis II, present emperor, 



818 
899 
912 
918 

983 
1002 
1024 
10:fl 
1056 
1100 
112. 
113 

1190 

1197 
1198 
1199 
1218 20 



KINGS OF FRANCE. 
/. Merovinixm Race. 

1. Pharamond, - 

2. Clodio, died in 

3. Merovius ditto, in 
i. Clovis I, ditto, &.c. 
5. Child.-ric I, ■ 

r Thierry, 
_ J Clodomir, 
6 - *} Childebert, 
(_Clothaire I, 
r Charibert, 
j Gontran, 
"\ Chimeric, 
f irigehert, 
Clothaire II, eon of Chilpenc, 
Dagobert I, - 
Clovis II, 
Clothaire III, 
^Chimeric II, 
) Thierry I, deposed in 
Clovis III, - 
Childebert II, 
Dagobert II, - 
Clothaire II, 
Chflperic II, - 
Thierry II, - 



//. Carloviniaii Ra 



19, 



21 



1250 

12.. I 



Charles M< 

Chimeric I 

t 
I 



rtd. 






K 

lfilM 
It. 7 
■ 
1705 
1711 
1715 
I74.i 

1790 



420 
448 
450 
481 

5 1 1 

561 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 



197 



A. C 

narics II, tlie Gross, 

29. Eudee, 

30. Chaxlep HI, the Simple, 

Deposed, - 922 

31. Robert I, Usurper, - 922 

32. Rafrh, 

33. Louis IV, d'Otremer, - - 936 

34. JLothaire, 

35. Louis V, 

///. Capttean Race. 

36. Hugh Capet, Uusurper, 937 

37. Robert II, - 996 

38. Henry I, - 1030 

39. Philip I, - 1060 
10. Louis VI, the Gross, . 1108 

41. Louis VII, the Young, - 1137 

42, Philip IF, Augustus, - 1180 
13. Louis VIII, Coeur de Lion, - 1223 
U. Louis IX, St. Louis, - 1226 

I nilip HI, the Bold, 1370 

46. Philip IV, le Bel, 1285 

17. L»uis X, HuCin, 1314 

48. John I, 8 days, - - 1316 

49. Philip V, the Long, - - 1310 

50. Charles IV, le Bel, 

IV. House of Valois. 

51. Philip VI, - 

.'>2 John II, the Good, - 1350 

53 Charles V, the Wise, - - 1364 

54. Charles VI, the Beloved, - 1380 

55. Charles VII, the Victorious, - 1422 

56. Louis XI, - . 1467 
r >7. Charles VIII, - - 1483 

58. Louis XII, Father of the People, l*w 

59. Francis I, the Gentleman, - 1-515 
69. Henry II, - - 154 
61. Francis If, - - - 1559 

m. Charles IX, the Bloody, 1560 

63. Henry III, - 1541 

V. House of Bourbon. 

64. Henry IV, the Great, - 1589 

65. Louis Xi II, the Just, - - 1610 

66. Loui? XIV, the Great, 

67. Louis XV, - 1705 

68. Louis XVI, - - _ 1774 

Deprived, - 1792 

Beheaded, - - 1793 

VI. French Republic. 

Directorial Government : Rewbel, 
Barras, La Veilliere, Le Paux, 
Merlin, Treillard, Le Tournier, 
Neuschateau, Carnot, Barthelemi, 
Sieves, Ducos, &c. &c. &c. from 
1794 to 

Imperial Government. 

Bonaparte, 1st Consul ; Cambaccrrs, 
2d Consul ; Le Brun, 3d ConMi!, - 1799 

VII. Imperial Government. 

EMPEROR. 

69. .Napoleon Bonaparte, IS04 



KliNGS OF SPAIN. 

Since the Union of the kingdoms of 

Castile and Arragon. 
, ^Jane and Philip 1, of Austria, - 
/Jane his queen alone, - 

2 Charles I and V, of Germany 

3 Philip II, 

4 Philip 111, 

5 Philip IV, - 

6 Charles II, - 

7 Philip V, 

8 Louis I, - 
Philip V, again, 

9 Ferdinand VI, 

10 Charles III, - 

11 Charles IV, present king, 



1643 26 John V, 



27 Joseph, 

28 Mary, and Peter her husband, and 
uncle 

29 Mary alone, present queen 



KINGS OF PORTUGAL. 

Henry, count of Portugal, 

1 Alphonso Henriques, 1st king, 

2 Sancho I, - 

3 Alphonso II, - 

4 Sancho II, - 

5 Alphonso III, - 

6 Denis, the Liberal, 

7 Alphonso IV, - 

8 Peter, 

9 Ferdinand, 

10 Interregnum 18 months, 

11 John 1, the Great, 

1 2 Edward, 

1 3 Alphonso V, the African, 
4 John J', trie Perfect, 
Emanuel, the Fortunate, 

6 John III, the Puissant, - 

7 Sebastian, 

18 Henry Cardinal, 

19 Anthony, titular king, - 

20 Phihp II, i 
2 Philip II1,> kings of Spain, 

22 Philip 1V,S 

23 John IV, Braganza, 

24 Alphonso VI, - 
Resigned 

25 Peter II, 



A.C. 



1506 
1506 
1555 
1555 
1598 
1621 
1665 
1700 
17-1 
1726 
1746 
1759 
1783 



1094 
1122 
1185 
1211 
1233 
1248 
1279 
1325 
1357 
1367 
1383 
1385 
1433 
1438 
1457 
495 
1521 
1557 
>578 
• 580 

; 595 

1 598 
' 1621 

640 



:!!«" 



KINGS OF HUNGARY. 



1 Attila, 
en, 

3 Peter, 
Deposed in 

4 Aba or Owon, 

5 Andrew I, 

6 Bela 1, 

7 Salomon, 

8 Guisa, 

9 Uladialaus, 
10 (< 'Ionian, 

Stephen If, 
12 Bcla II, 
i3 Guisa II, 
14 Stephen III, - 



667 
1667 



1750 



1777 
1786 



454 

103S 
1041 
1041 
1047 
1061 
1063 
1074 
1077 
1095 
1 ii4 

H3i 

111: 
1161 



£98 



CHRONOLOWCAL TABLES. 



15 BHa III, 

rw || f 
19 Bfl, 17, 

lien IV, 
2 Uhdwkw 111 
- w III. 



25 Or 

20 Louis I, 

27 M 

28 Mary and Sigumnnd emp. till 

29 \ Inert of Austria, 

30 I ladishns IV. 
3 John Cowint, Regent, - 

32 I laduhuuV, 

33 Matthias Cowin, 

34 LLdisl.ius VI, 

35 Louis II, 
3G John Zepolski, 

37 Ferdinand, 
John ZepoLki restored, - 

38 John II, 

For the remainder of the Icings of Hun- 
gary, see imperors of Germany. 



CZARS OR EMPERORS OF RUSSIA. 



1 I wan or John IV, Bazflowltz, 

2 Tardot, or Theodore. - 

3 Boris Godounouvi, 

4 Demetrius, Usurper, 

5 Bazi! SchuLskide|)Osed, - 

6 Uladidaas, prince of Poland. 
TT Michael Fsedorowitz, - 

8 Alexi? Michaclowitz 

9 Tador Alexiomritz, 

10 Peter AJexiowitz, the Great, and 

Iwan V, - 

11 Peter I, the Great alone, 

12 Catherine I, - 

|3 Peter II, AJexiowitz, - 
14 Anne Ivanovmi, 
J5 Iwan or John VI, 

16 Elizabeth Petrovna, 

17 Peter 111, 

18 Catherine II, the Great, 

19 Paul 1, 

20 Alexander I, present Emperor, - 



A C 


Danti. A. C. 


11% 


<te, king of Denmark, . inn 


1201 


>Id 1, 


1201 


9 Hardi Canute II, 






1270 


Saxon*. 


1272 




!30l 


20 Edward III, Confemor, • - 10|J 


1304 

13(11 

1309 


'.' BaroldII f 9aMQtbfi, 


Normans. 






1382 


1 l.i ml, Conqueror, - -161* 


I)..: 


illiara h,Rufu8, 


1437 


24 Henry I.Beauclerc, 


1-1 10 


,!ien. 


1440 


Dethroned, - •• 111! 


1453 


28 Mat-Ida, or Maud 1 month?, 


1458 
1490 


Stephen again, - 1 14'. 


1516 
152(5 


/. The House of Phmtagent' 




27 Henry N, Piantagenet 1154 




28. Richard I, C-x-ui de Ljon; li»' 




29 John, 


- 


30 Henry III, 




31 Edward, 




32 Edward II. 




33 Edward III, 


>IA. 


34 Richard II, - 


1556 
1584 
1598 


//. House of Lancaster, tolled the Rf<i 


35 Henry IV, Bolingbroke 


1605 


36 Henri V 


1600 


37 Hen, > ^ 1 - 1422 


1600 




1613 
164:, 


"/. Hour, of York, ndediht White Rose. 


1676 


38 Edu . . um 

39 Ld,. &} i i«ii 


1682 


40 Rich ird LI 



1606 

1725 
172 

17301 
1740 
1711 
1762 

1796 
1801 



KINGS OF EISGLAJND. 

ims. 
Egbert, 1st monarch, 
Ethclwolfe and Bthelstan, 

bert, 

Alfnil the <i. 

■ 
'lie Peaceab!. 



851 

861 

866 

90 

92"; 
911 



I 



lark, 1 year. 



Union of the two houses ol York and 
Lane, 

IV. Ham of Tudor. 

Henry VII, T dor, 
42 H.-nry VIM, 
13 Edward VI, the Pius, - 

n v I, the Bloody, 
45 Elisabeth, 

V. The Houst of Stuart. 






16 James I, Stewart, 
47 Charles I, 

i tded. 

Commonwealth, from 1618 to 

Oli 

R. ( 

19 Jam- 

1688 

III, 

170Z 



House '. 



959 
975 






I7t* 



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